as 

B 
y 1 




V 




MARSHALING 

the FORCES of 

PATRIOTISM 



V 




BISHOP LUTHER B.WILSON 

DR.HENRY H.MEYER 
PROF. LYNN HAROLD HOUGH 



THE METHODIST BOOK CONCERN 

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SHALL ask you to consider again and with 
very grave scrutiny our objectives and the 
measures by which we mean to attain them ; 
for the purpose of discussion here in this 
place is action, and our action must move straight 
towards definite ends. Our object is, of course, to win 
the war, and we shall not slacken or suffer ourselves to 
l>e diverted until it is won. But it is worth while asking 
and answering the question, When shall we consider 

the war won ?" 

* * * 

"Let it be said again that autocracy must first be 
shown the utter futility of its claims to power or leader- 
ship in the modern world." 

* * * 

" But when that has been done — as, God willing, 
it assuredly will be — we shall at last be free to do an 
unprecedented thing, and this is the time to avow our 
purpose to do it. We shall be free to base peace on 
generosity and justice, to the exclusion of all selfish 
claims to advantage even on the part of the victors. 
Let there be no misunderstanding. Our present and 
immediate task is to win the war, and nothing shall turn 
us aside from it until it is accomplished. Every power 
and resource we possess, whether of men, of money or 
of materials, is being devoted and will continue to be 

devoted to that purpose until it is achieved." 

* * * 

" A supreme moment of history has come. The 
eyes of the people have been opened and they see. The 
hand of God is laid upon the nations. He will show 
them favor, I devoutly believe, only if they rise to the 
clear heights of His own justice and mercy." 

—From President Wilson's address to Congress December 4, 1917. 



MARSHALING THE FORCES 
OF PATRIOTISM 

A COURSE OF TWELVE STUDIES 
FOR USE IN THE CHURCH SCHOOL 



BY 

LUTHER B. WILSON 

ii 

Resident Bishop, New York Area 

HENRY H. }1EYER 

Editor Sunday School Publications 

LYNN HAROLD HOUGH 

Professor at Garrett Biblical Institute 



Prepared under the direction of the Editor of Sunday School 

Publications and the Committee on Curriculum 

of the Board of Sunday Schools 



Published by 

THE METHODIST BOOK CONCERN 

NEW YORK CINCINNATI CHICAGO BOSTON 

PITTSBURGH DETROIT KANSAS CITY SAN FRANCISCO 

PORTLAND, ORE., SALESROOM 



^ 



PC 



^ 



OTHER PATRIOTIC COURSES 



In addition to the studies presented in this volume, two other patriotic courses 
are in preparation under the direction of the Editor of Sunday School Publications 
and the Committee on Curriculum of the Board of Sunday Schools. 



THE CLEAN SWORD 

By Lynn Harold Hough 

An interpretation of Christianity in its relation to the far-reaching questions 
of war and peace, and a discussion of the world-order involved in the effective 
forward movement of the Kingdom of God. 



WORLD DEMOCRACY 

By George Heber Jones and Fred. B. Fisher 

In collaboration with 

Sidney A. Gulick 

An inquiry into the forces making for democracy in various parts of the world. 
Considered from the standpoint of Christian Missions. 

Concerning these courses detailed information may be secured on application 
to the publishers. 



Copyright, 1918, by 
THE METHODIST BOOK CONCERN 

MAR 25 1918 



©CI.A494230 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



AMERICAS WAR AIMS 
By Luther B. Wilson 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I. Why We Are at War 5 

II. The Relief of the Oppressed 8 

III. Democracy Worth Fighting For 11 

IV. Paying the Price 15 



IMMEDIATE DUTIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES 
By Henry H. Meyer 

CHAPTER PAGE 

V. The Call to Enlist 18 

VI. Food Conservation and War Gardens 21 

VII. The Red Cross, the Red Triangle, and the War Work of the 

Churches 24 

VIII. Safeguarding Christian Progress 28 



IDEALS AND THE FUTURE 
By Lynn Harold Hough 

CHAPTER PAGE 

IX. The World in the Making 32 

X. The War Against War 36 

XL The Fight Which is Worthy the Goal 40 

XII. The Invisible King 44 



CONCERNING THIS COURSE 



The world to-day is in the throes of a life-and-death struggle between 
two great principles of human government. One imperative need of the 
hour is a vital Christian message of encouragement and inspiration to the 
forces of democracy and of human freedom engaged in mortal combat with 
the organized force:; of autocracy aud ruthless militarism. 

There is need likewise for an interpretation of the present struggle from 
the Christian standpoint and for renewed emphasis upon the ideals in de- 
fense of which America has drawn the sword. 

To sound this note of encouragement, to give this Christian interpreta- 
tion, and to set forth clearly these ideals is the purpose of the studies pre- 
sented in this course. 

Henry H. Meyer, 
Editor Sunday School Publications. 

If we are to have a patriotic and permanent interest in the war we 
must have an intelligent understanding of the sacred principles for which 
we are fighting. 

Only in this way can the Sunday school play its part in teaching love 
and loyalty to the nation in such a crisis hour as this. 

I sincerely and earnestly urge that this lesson course, "Marshaling the 
Forces of Patriotism," be used in our Methodist Episcopal Sunday Schools. 

Edgar Blake, 
Corresponding Secretary Board of Sunday Schools. 



These lessons are to strengthen our spiritual faith as well as to deepen 
our patriotic loyalty. 

We are at war, not for greed, nor for selfish gain, but for principle. 
The peoples of the world must be safeguarded in their religious, social, and 
political liberties. They must be protected from the iron heel of selfish 
autocracy. 

The principles laid down herein are those underlying the teachings of 
Christ — the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. 

We answer the call to the colors, to maintain our freedom of spiritual 
and patriotic liberty. 

Edwin R. Graham, 

Publishing Agent. 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



CHAPTER I 
WHY WE AEE AT WAR 



Why Ask the Question? 

In the Declaration of Independence, the 
vibrant tones of which have sounded 
through all the world, it is said that in 
such a separation from the Mother Country 
as is proposed, "a decent respect to the 
opinions of mankind requires" that the 
causes shall be declared. It may be that 
the authors of this immortal instrument 
as they wrote thought of themselves as 
standing at the bar of the nations as al- 
ready constituted, to argue in justification 
of their solemn act, and could but feel their 
cause to be so clearly apprehended by those 
who had shared with them the injustice of 
the British Crown as not to need explana- 
tion or justification from them. 

To-day, however, after the war begun in 
1914 has continued for more than three 
years, and after America has formally 
taken its position upon the side of the En- 
tente Allies, it would seem wise not only 
in decent respect for the opinions of other 
nations, but also for the unifying of senti- 
ment within our own borders, that the 
causes of our action should be clearly 
stated and understood. Why is it, then, 
that America is at war? 

The President's Statement of the Case 

President Wilson, in his message deliv- 
ered before the United States Congress on 
April 2, 1917, stated with his usual care 
the course of events leading up to that 
solemn hour. He stated the fact that he 
had previously advised Congress concerning 
the purpose of the Imperial German Gov- 
ernment to lay aside all restraint of law or 
of humanity, and to sink every vessel ap- 
proaching the ports of Great Britain and 
Ireland, or the western coast of Europe, or 
ports controlled by enemies of Germany 
within the Mediterranean. He stated also 
that for a while he had been unable to be- 
lieve that such things would be really done 
by any government that had hitherto sub- 



scribed to the humane practices of civil- 
ized nations, but he had come to see that 
in the ruthless warfare Germany waged 
upon the sea there was no discrimination. 
The sea is the common roadway of the na- 
tions and interference with a nation's 
marine constitutes a grave offense, but here 
American ships had been sunk, American 
lives had been taken, and that, too, delib- 
erately, as the story of the Lusitania showed. 
In the beginning of the conflict he had 
aimed to preserve an attitude of neutrality 
and had urged upon the nation the need of 
such neutrality. With the grim announce- 
ment of Germany's later policy upon the sea 
he had still hoped that armed neutrality 
might be practicable. He had come to see 
that armed neutrality at the best is ineffec- 
tual, and that there was but one course for 
the nation to take unless the nation was 
ready to choose the path of submission and 
suffer its most sacred rights to be ignored or 
violated. Certainly among those who have 
borne most patiently the burden of ad- 
ministrative responsibility in perilous 
times our President has won a secure place, 
and the nation can appeal without fear to 
others as it can appeal without shame to 
itself in justification of its acts in recog- 
nizing that the course of the Imperial 
German Government was in fact war 
against the people of the United States. 

Germany and Her Allies 

It will be seen that of the nations ar- 
rayed against the Entente Allies, only Ger- 
many was named in this message of the 
President. It may be asked, Why the 
formal recognition of Germany only? The 
answer must be that of the nations engaged 
against the Allies, Germany is not only the 
strongest in resources of men and arms, 
but also in point of influence. Long before 
the assassination of the Archduke of 
Austria in Serbia, Germany was contem- 
plating a war which would afford her the 



6 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



opportunity of extending her territory and 
advancing her commercial interests. It 
has happened not infrequently that some 
friend of Germany in America has at- 
tempted to prove that Germany is the victim 
rather than the aggressor. It is with in- 
terest, therefore, that one reads the utter- 
ances of certain German writers and 
speakers concerning what has taken place. 

German Plans for Conquest 

For example, there appeared upon the 
front page of Vorwiirts, July 25, 1914, 
this word : "Even though we condemn the 
activity of the Pan-Serbian Nationalists, 
nevertheless wanton provocation of war 
upon the part of the Austro-Hungarian 
Government calls for the sharpest protest. 
The demands of the Government are more 
brutal than ever made upon any civilized 
state in the history of the world, and can 
be regarded only as intended to provoke 
war." 

Though the indignation of Vorwiirts 
was uttered against Austria-Hungary, as 
the facts have come to be known the burden 
of responsibility is seen to rest upon Ger- 
many for this outrageous provocation. It 
seems clear that had Germany been willing 
to allow the further time for negotiation 
sought by Serbia and Russia in the be- 
ginning, a desire also urgently implored 
by England, France, and Italy, Austria 
would have granted the request and the 
conflict might have been avoided. 

Read the words of Harden, editor of Die 
Zukunft. He says : "Not as weak-willed 
blunderers have we undertaken the risk 
of this war. We wanted it." 

Or think of this word of Deputy Haase 
uttered in the Reichstag. The question 
was under discussion as to the action of 
France in the increase of its army. He 
said, "Gentlemen, it has been said that we 
are compelled to increase our army be- 
cause France is going to introduce com- 
pulsory service for a term of three years. 
Whoever says that falsifies the real facts in 
the case, for without our army bill France 
would not have dreamed of introducing the 
three years' service bill." 



These quotations are only suggestive of 
statements made by men of conspicuous 
influence in Germany, and might be multi- 
plied almost indefinitely. It would be too 
much to say that these words are uttered 
by authority, but they are the utterances 
of thoughtful men, and though denied by 
the officers of the state may be assumed to 
express the prevailing attitude of Germany 
upon the subject. It is evident that dur- 
ing these fateful months the voice of the 
Prussian crown is the one voice that has 
issued the orders obeyed on land and sea. 
The incident of the assassination in Serbia 
is in fact almost lost sight of, or if remem- 
bered at all, is recognized only as affording 
an excuse for the execution of a plan al- 
ready formulated for the promotion of ends 
long cherished. Ambassador Morgenthau 
confirms this conclusion, declaring, upon 
the authority of the Austrian Minister, 
that the resort to arms had been agreed 
upon by the Teutonic nations weeks before 
the overtures of the nations now allied 
with us were rejected and the date of hos- 
tility was practically determined by the 
Government of the Kaiser. 

Germany and America 

Germany therefore stands out as the arch- 
enemy not only of America, but of those 
benign ideals which represented in our in- 
stitutions would, if generally realized, con- 
stitute the great heritage of the world. 
But as we think of the causes leading to 
our participation in the world struggle, we 
must take account of her intrigue as well 
as of her cruelty. Her Ambassador at 
Washington during the months which 
elapsed between August of 1914 and April, 
1917, while assuming to represent a nation 
with which we were still at peace, was all 
the while seeking to embitter Japan against 
us and to intensify the unfriendliness of 
Mexico, so that to-day, as the story of these 
years is unfolded, the evidence of deceit is 
overwhelming. How far that hostility went 
will perhaps never be known. It is plain 
to see that it was not only the treaty with 
Belgium which was dealt with as a "scrap 
of paper." In this country there has been 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



the record of such disaster and loss as 
cannot be forgotten. How many of these 
material losses, how many of our domestic 
trials, how many of the conditions arising 
to prevent commercial success and em- 
barrass our political life are attributable to 
the treachery and insidious activity of Ger- 
many, probably none of us will ever know. 
The great fact which needs to be borne in 
mind by us all is this, that in secret as 
well as in open ways, Germany was at war 
with us before we called our sons to the 
colors. 

This is illustrated by Ambassador Gerard, 
who in the story of his years in Berlin gives 
us the record of indignity offered to our 
representatives abroad, and from his place 
near to the Kaiser reveals the attitude of 
the German Government toward us as a 
nation. The recent revelation as to German 
influence and policy in our national life 
makes perfectly clear the fact that it has 
been the deliberate purpose of Teutonic 
militarism to increase our diplomatic prob- 
lems with other nations and at the same 
time to dilute as far as possible American 
patriotism. 

America and Germany's Allies 

We began with the recognition of Ger- 
many as our enemy, but in the progress of 
events have been compelled to recognize 
a condition of war also as existing between 
Austria-Hungary and America. For rea- 
sons known by the Government rather 
than by the nation, Austria was not at 
first recognized as a belligerent. Now, how- 
ever, when the condition of Italy is de- 
manding such attention, and when the suc- 
cess or failure of Austria in its invasion of 
Italy is seen to have so great a bearing 
upon the progress of the war, it has seemed 
impossible to continue longer in the posi- 
tion in which we were left by the action of 
Congress in April, and so at the opening 
of the present session of Congress the ac- 
tual relation of this country with Austria- 
Hungary was recognized. At the time of 
this writing we have not yet written Bul- 
garia and Turkey as enemies. 

We are at war, therefore, with Germany 



and with Austria-Hungary, not because of 
hostility to the people of these nations, but 
because of hostility to the Prussian crown, 
and the ideals which it represents. Those 
who have come to America from Germany 
have been treated with a measure of con- 
sideration which has gone not only to the 
limits allowed by a prudent regard for our 
own interests, but, as many believe, far be- 
yond such limits and toward the Austro- 
Hungarians among us, our attitude has 
been most generous. As to the German 
people over seas, we have repeatedly dis- 
avowed any feeling of hatred toward them. 
It is militaristic autocracy against which 
we wage war. Even in the story of fright- 
fulness it has seemed that the mailed fist of 
the autocrat has perpetrated the indescrib- 
able cruelties committed. If the German 
people were moved to destroy the throne of 
despotism now, and would establish in its 
place the rule of democracy, they would 
doubtless find America stretching out the 
hand of friendship. But as long as the 
people of Germany defend Prussian mili- 
tarism and lend themselves to its policy of 
frightfulness in making war upon man- 
kind, so long must they endure the inevi- 
table result, the pain of which is not less 
because in their devotion they are deluded. 

Where Should We Fight? 

So we are sending our forces to France 
or Italy, or any part of the line west or 
south or east, where our presence can ac- 
complish most, believing that it is easier 
to defeat our common enemy on that side 
of the sea than on this, and believing also 
that if this common enemy should succeed 
in defeating France and Italy and Great 
Britain, there would inevitably come the 
necessity of meeting that foe on our own 
shores, even should we now refuse to fight. 
What would be the condition of our 
nation if these European allies of ours 
were defeated? If Germany were master 
of Western Europe and Canada ? If by 
intrigue or by force of arms Germany were 
to control Mexico, what would be our con- 
dition? In such event, if we had not en- 
tered the war. under what limitations 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



would we have been compelled to live ! To 
what indignities would we have been sub- 
jected! What subtile influences would have 
been at work, and in the end how should 
we have avoided conflict, a conflict in which 
we should have stood alone against the Teu- 
tonic conqueror of Europe, strengthened 
by that conquest and encouraged to darker 
cruelty, if that be possible, and deeper 
cunning. How should we have avoided the 
conflict ? Does it not seem clear that our 
national self-respect compelled us to the 
course we have taken ? Does it not seem 
equally clear that the preservation of our 
liberties and the maintenance of our insti- 
tutions demanded this action? 

No one among us has seemed more the 
friend of peace than our President. He 
was tolerant when many of us were wrath- 
ful. He was slow to believe ill of the 
nations with which we are now at war. He 
was calm when many of us were ready to 
cry out. The words he spoke, the protests 
he wrote, will be treasured by us as among 
the finest expressions of dignified patriot- 
ism coupled with ardent love for humanity. 
So slowly did he move, held back by love 
of peace and the hope that it might still be 
maintained with honor, that many outran 
him and reached the decision while as yet 
he seemed moving toward such decision 
slowly, if indeed moving at all. Germany 
seemed to believe us incapable of action, 



indeed unprepared and unqualified for any- 
thing other than fine words. It treated 
with indignity our protests; it violated 
those long-established principles which 
should characterize the attitude of govern- 
ment to government and held on its way 
until our Government could not longer en- 
dure the wrong done us, the dishonor 
shown us. Then at length our President 
spoke for the nation, and the Congress of 
the United States by an overwhelming vote 
confirmed the solemn judgment he ex- 
pressed. In our population almost all the 
peoples of the earth are represented. We 
are naturally a peace-loving nation. It 
must therefore intensify our patriotism to 
remember that the people of America are 
so unitedly committed to war. 

FOR SPECIAL STUDY 

1. What were the specific acts that led the 
United States to participation in the war? 

2. Just why did these facts make it neces- 
sary for the United States to resort to arms? 

3. What evidences have we that Germany 
had deliberately and carefully laid plans for 
conquest ? 

4. Stated in general terms, what are the 
aims of the United States in the war? How 
did President Wilson express these aims? 

5. What reasons can you give to show 
that only by fighting can these purposes be 
accomplished ? 



CHAPTER II 
THE RELIEF OF THE OPPRESSED 



Our Larger Obligations 

Anyone who will take the pains to read 
the utterances of our President will see 
clearly the breadth of our national policies 
and must be convinced that we can no 
longer be satisfied with our own peace and 
prosperity unless there is everywhere 
throughout the world the chance for the 
same blessings. This is not the thought 
of every mind. Someone in New York not 
very long ago said that America was not 
greatly interested in a war three thousand 
miles away. But if that war were one in 



which unrighteousness fought against right- 
eousness, or if it was a war in which a 
powerful autocracy was seeking to enrich 
itself at the expense of a weak people, cer- 
tainly America would be interested in it. 
As we read the histories of peoples thou- 
sands, of years ago, we find ourselves to be- 
taking sides with those whom we think to 
be in the right and are stirred with indig- 
nation against those who seem to us in the 
wrong. Miles and years have nothing to 
do with moral issues. So in this present 
war, when we really give play to the fine 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



passion that is within us, we feel all the 
fires of our indignation blazing against 
Germany for the invasion of Belgium, for 
Germany had made its solemn treaty with 
Belgium and had reaffirmed it again and 
again. When on that day in August, 1914, 
Germany came thundering at the gates, and 
demanded the consent of the king to pass on 
over the soil of the little kingdom to "take 
dinner in Paris," who of us but felt the out- 
rage offered to that smaller nation by the 
stronger, an outrage in no sense relieved by 
the offer made to repay Belgium for any in- 
jury inflicted as Germany passed along? 
We were not near enough to see the shells 
as they shattered the cities and crumbled the 
great cathedrals, but who can think of it 
without emotion? And they tell us that 
long before that day Germany had run her 
lines of railroad so that her troops might be 
marched with all possible speed to the Bel- 
gian frontier, showing certainly that even 
while the stronger nation was making her 
promises, she was preparing to break them. 
And those women of Belgium ! What is our 
feeling as we think of them, taken forcibly 
away from their homes for work in the 
fields, or perhaps for something worse ? And 
what shall we think of the little children 
cruelly wounded in order that the people 
of the country by the very show of fright- 
fulness might be held in bonds of fear? 

And what shall we think of Poland or of 
Armenia, or any of the countries where 
the tide of battle has ebbed and flowed? In 
all those lands the soldiers of Germany or 
her allies have left proof of the indescribable 
cruelty which has constituted a blot upon 
the history of mankind. Certainly some of 
the darkest deeds ever perpetrated since the 
world began have stained the records of 
these last three years. That is not civiliza- 
tion, according to any proper estimate. 
That is the sort of gross brutality that 
must make us all shudder as we look upon 
it, even across the seas. It is so different 
from anything that we know at home, and 
humanity is not a matter of race and lan- 
guage and boundary. 

America must be interested in the world. 
We have not realized our own ideals here, 



and by and by there will be much to do in 
making the nation what it ought to be, but 
we cannot think of the soldiers of America 
ordered to perpetrate such deeds as these. 
We cannot think of populations deliberately 
starved and indignities systematically of- 
fered to men and women and children by 
those who represent us. 

Our Developing Ideals 

And then there comes the question, How 
far shall America go in befriending Bel- 
gium and France and Italy? That old 
question of resistance and non-resistance! 
The question, Is war ever justifiable? Is 
it ever right to take up arms? In the old 
Book, as it tells the story of the ancient 
days, as we see Israel advancing to the 
battle and returning victorious; we hear 
them singing, as they go, "The Lord is a 
God of war;" and in the wonderful chapter, 
the eleventh of Hebrews, among those whose 
praises are sung are those who, "through 
faith subdued kingdoms, wrought right- 
eousness, . . . stopped the mouths of lions, 
quenched the violence of fire, . . . waxed 
valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies 
of the aliens." That is one of the monu- 
ments to heroism in the great gallery of the 
ages. 

But we do not feel that what belonged 
to the days of the Judges ought to belong 
to our day. We have been climbing 
through the centuries. We have been com- 
ing to a clearer knowledge of what God's 
nature is, and have been coming also to a 
clearer knowledge of what man's nature 
ought to be. We think of our Lord as the 
Prince of Peace, and remember the angels' 
song over the hills of Bethlehem. We may 
want the world to be safe for democracy. 
We may feel sore of heart in thinking of 
Belgium and France and Italy and Poland. 
We may want to be the friend of all the op- 
pressed. But how far should we go ? Then 
we remember that there is a moral differ- 
ence between the warfare of a tyrant who 
goes out to oppress the world, and the war- 
fare of those who set themselves to resist 
the advance of the tyrant. 



10 



MAESHALING THE FOECES OF PATRIOTISM 



Offense or Defense 

Not long ago one was speaking of a pic- 
ture he had seen. It was the picture of a 
little child saying, "Are you going to send 
out a soldier to shoot my father?" The 
answer that America gives is this: "No, we 
are not sending out soldiers to shoot the 
father of the child, but we are sending out 
soldiers to prevent the father of the child 
from shooting other fathers." That is to 
say, it is not democracy that has gone out 
to blot out autocracy; it is democracy that 
has risen up to defend itself against the in- 
conceivable brutality of might, and it would 
seem as though our Lord in some of the 
moods of his holy life said many a word 
which the true soldier battling for the right 
can remember to his comfort in the great 
day of struggle. 

One says, "But he who takes the sword 
shall perish by the sword." Is it not a fair 
interpretation that he who takes the sword 
by which to oppress and slay shall himself 
perish by the sword held in the hand of 
righteousness? We are at war not only 
on our own behalf but on behalf of others, 
and to us it cannot be made to appear an 
evil thing to take the sword when it is 
taken, not for the gaining of territory or 
the enrichment of empire, but when it is 
unsheathed for the defense of men in peril 
or oppressed. 

What Else Can We Do? 

It may not always appear a safe course to 
deduce great moral principles from the 
example of even those whom we admire, and 
yet there is the quickening of conscience as 
we study the lives of those who have lived 
nobly, unselfishly, who have endured for the 
good of others. We cannot take a character 
like that of Washington away from the 
world as though it had no moral lesson to 
impart. America will not willingly sur- 
render that picture of Washington at 
"Valley Forge upon his knees, will not eon- 
sent that the father of our country be 
classed with the unworthy or undesirable. 
The nation is not willing to forget the story 
of Lincoln, foremost in his day of those 
who offered themselves willingly in order 



that government of the people, by the 
people, for the people, should not perish 
from the earth. The ideal toward which 
humanity is climbing is that of a great 
brotherhood in which mutual love shall be 
the law and in which also peace shall be 
abiding, but it has seemed to many of the 
great prophets that right was worth more 
than peace and that in many an age wrong 
must be routed by the sword before peace 
could really come in. 

Perhaps if we were able to go back and 
begin again we should see the way to avoid 
the appeal to arms. Yes, and if one hun- 
dred and fifty years ago the people of 
America had chosen other paths than those 
which they as a nation actually took, they 
might have avoided, probably would have 
avoided, those difficulties which resulted in 
the Civil War. If the course of events in 
Europe for one hundred years, or even for 
fifty years, had been more wisely ordered, it 
is altogether probable that we should have 
been able to deal with all the questions at 
present before us in another way. 

One of the wisest plans for the future is 
that of a League of Nations for the En- 
forcement of Peace, but to-day we must 
take things as they are. We must consider 
the problem as it is before us. We may re- 
write history, but we cannot remake it. 
What are the facts to-day and how can we 
deal with them? Civilization dares not 
trust itself in negotiations for peace with 
a power which deals with its treaties as 
"scraps of paper." To attempt a settle- 
ment of the great issues before us at this 
time by negotiation, as some propose, would 
mean simply a brief cessation of battle and 
then its return. We should simply be where 
we were when the war began, and after the 
strife and agony of these years we should be 
no nearer the solution of the world's problem 
than we were three years ago. The way to 
peace seems to be only by victory over the 
Prussian throne, and that victory must be 
either by the arms of the allies or by such an 
uprising in Germany as shall take away the 
power of the Hohenzollern and give to the 
German people the blessing of democracy. 
Mr. Lincoln quoted the words, "A house 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



11 



divided against itself cannot stand," and 
declared that the nation could not exist half 
free and half slave. It seems to be equally 
true that the world cannot abide in peace 
half democratic and half autocratic. 

And if all this be true, it must likewise 
be true that to oppose the present policy of 
our Government is to befriend our enemies 
and the enemies of mankind. The real 
friend of peace to-day is he who seeks 
in every way to strengthen the hands of 
the Allies and hasten peace by hastening 
victory. 

That the Right May Prevail 

No human society has yet come to the 
place where it can rely upou moral appeal 
alone for the maintenance of order. The 
communities which are most advanced 
must still compel regard for law, and this 
probably all recognize. The appeal to reason 
will not always accomplish the result we 
seek. You cannot argue with a zeppelin. 
A u-boat does not understand your plea for 
mercy. A government that seems to be most 
fitly expressed by u-boat and zeppelin and 
howitzer and that seems to comprehend no 
other language than that which they speak; 
that seems to have no higher principle 
than that "Might makes right"; that be- 



lieves that the weak must perish ; is and will 
be deaf to appeal. Such a government must 
either change its nature or be taken out of 
the path by which humanity seeks to ad- 
vance. It has taken up arms against the 
world. It seems as though the answer which 
the world must give is {he answer of the 
sword. 

As the champions of the oppressed, as 
those who are called to release the captives 
of wrong, as those who must defend the 
liberties of the land and secure its institu- 
tions, we have unsheathed the sword. As 
those who must rebuke the tyrant's pride 
and correct the philosophy which the tyrant's 
pen has written, as those who have dedi- 
cated themselves to the service of human- 
ity, we must go on until the victory is won. 

FOR SPECIAL STUDY 

1. By what obligations are we bound to 
other nations? 

2. How would you distinguish between 
offensive and defensive wars? 

3. State briefly your reasons for thinking 
that we are fighting for the welfare of 
humanity? 

4. What, in your opinion, is the best way 
to secure a peace that will be permanent? 



CHAPTER III 
DEMOCRACY WORTH FIGHTING FOR 



What Is Democracy? 

One of the statements of President Wil- 
son's which is sure to be longest remem- 
bered is this — "The world must be made 
safe for democracy." What does he mean? 
He himself makes clear the fact that so 
far as the other nations of the world are 
concerned we have neither the desire nor 
the authority to determine their form of 
government. He is evidently thinking, not 
of the title of the man who rules, but of 
the rights of those who are ruled. Take, 
for example, the government of Great 
Britain. It might appear when one re- 
members that there attaches to the ruler 
of Great Britain the title of king, as far 



as England is concerned, and of emperor 
in so far as India is concerned, that you 
may have here the same qualities in the 
ruler that you find in the Kaiser, or the 
ruler of Austria-Hungary, who is also 
nominally both king and emperor. But 
when one studies the real facts in the case 
of England, one sees that the king does 
not rule in any arbitrary sense. It is the 
Prime Minister who . really holds the re- 
sponsibility of government. The king, who 
occupies the throne, by what, according to 
the traditions of Great Britain, is the 
right of succession, does not have actually 
as much power as our President, or as the 
Governor of one of our great States. 



12 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



Authority is lodged in the office of the Prime 
Minister and, -while the Prime Minister is 
named by the king-, his hold upon office is 
determined by the House of Commons, the 
membership of which is determined by 
popular election. So you have, in what is 
called a kingdom* the actual ruler subject 
to the will of the nation and continuing in 
that office without such a designated term 
as limits the rule of our President. 

In Italy substantially the same condi- 
tion exists, the king being the formal ruler 
of the kingdom, but the rule being lodged 
-with the cabinet, subject to the will of 
the people. 

The democracy of France is more nearly 
akin to that of Italy and England than to 
our own, for there, while the President of 
the Republic is the formal representative 
of the Government, the rule is in the hands 
of the Premier. 

It is necessary to keep these facts in 
mind in our attempt to understand the 
utterance of the President. The world 
must be made safe for democracy. It would 
probably be fair to define democracy in the 
phrase which we are accustomed to attribute 
to Mr. Lincoln ; that is, "government of the 
people, by the people, for the people," 
and each of these words has its own value. 
The meaning is clear : it is, first of all, gov- 
ernment. If society is to exist, if there are 
to be any recognized rights of property or 
persons, there must be the observance of 
order, there must be certain well-recognized 
rules of procedure. 

The Value of Law 

Take an illustration. You could not have 
a city in any proper sense without streets 
or roads or boundary lines of individual 
dwellings. You might have crooked or 
straight streets, broad streets or narrow 
streets, but streets you must have if you are 
to avoid a perfectly bewildering confusion 
in traffic and travel. And there cannot be 
the constant changing of street lines and 
boundary lines if there is desired any guar- 
antee of the safety of person or security of 
possession. You must not only have the 
street or road, but if thero is to be any 



safety and comfort in progress there must 
be agreement upon how the street or road 
shall be used. You could not think of any 
important city where the population is num- 
bered by millions, or thousands, without its 
more or less clearly defined regulations in 
the use of the street or road. Stand at the 
intersection of Fifth Avenue and Forty- 
second Street in New York, at Broad and 
Walnut Streets in Philadelphia, at State 
and Madison Streets,* Chicago, or at some 
center in San Francisco and imagine the 
confusion, the grave danger, if there were 
not agreement as to the movement of pedes- 
trians and vehicles along these ways. And 
in the boundary lines occupied by dwell- 
ings and places of business all security in 
ownership in town and city would disap- 
pear without such careful adjustment. 

The Will of the People 

This is really only a picture suggestive 
of the fact that there must be government, 
government of the people indeed, but still 
government, agreement, regulation. There 
must be not only rules of procedure, but 
also there must be the enforcement of such 
agreement and regulation. And if there 
is to be any approach to safety and satisfac- 
tion there must be attached to these agree- 
ments and regulation some reasonable ele- 
ments of permanence, and there must be 
power somewhere to enforce them. How 
many times we have had presented to us 
the picture of the policeman standing in one 
of the crowded streets of London or of New 
York stopping in a moment all the move- 
ment of street traffic simply by lifting his 
hand, or changing the direction of traffic 
by the movement of his hand. The uniform 
of the policeman shows him to be at that 
place and hour the man of authority. He 
represents not only the desire of the people 
for comfort and safety of progress, but also 
he represents the power of the people to en- 
force within certain well-defined limits their 
wishes in the matter. 

It is of very great importance to re- 
member not only the idea suggested by the 
phrase, "of the people," but also the meaning 
of the word "government." Sometimes in 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



13 



our use of words, or, rather, in the misuse 
of them, it seems that we are taking out of 
that term democracy the thought of agree- 
ment, regulation, authority. There are 
those who when they use the word democ- 
racy seem to think that what it means is 
this, that every man at every time shall do 
precisely as he chooses without regard for 
the protection of mutual agreement actually 
enforced. From our place to-day the danger 
that threatens Russia seems to be that of 
the disorganized multitude, with no ade- 
quate rule or responsible power lodged any- 
where for the enforcement of rule. It is the 
very condition which opens the way for the 
most selfish and cruel assertion of brute 
force. Democracy means "government of the 
people," and it means "government by the 
people."' 

Our Methods of Government 

At a time and under conditions when all 
the people could be brought together 
speedily, as in the case of some New Eng- 
land town one hundred years ago, where 
the people had enjoyed the advantages of 
religion and education, and where the prob- 
lems of the town were of a simple sort, 
government of the people directly by the 
people must have seemed comparatively 
easy, and perhaps, on the whole, satisfactory. 
But where towns are multiplied and where 
the population is widely distributed, where 
instead of a few hundreds you have many 
millions, where instead of a community 
speaking the same language, sharing the 
same traditions, and united in all the fine 
fellowships of education and religion, you 
have multitudes of different languages and 
different traditions and different educational 
advantages with different religious beliefs, 
government by the people by any such 
method as that of the New England town 
meeting of one hundred years ago is im- 
possible. There are many matters of great 
importance which require for their adjust- 
ment expert and technical knowledge. While 
as to the great ends to be secured there may 
be agreement, the method by which to secure 
these ends must of necessity be committed 
to those of peculiar knowledge or skill. 



Many of the questions involved in the peo- 
ple's interests are of such a nature that 
they must be quickly decided. But there is 
no time to call them all together. We are 
sure to get the best results, not by attempt- 
ing to have details of government worked 
out directly by all the people called together 
for discussion and action, but by having all 
the people select their representatives or 
agents who may meet together for discus- 
sion and deliberation. These representatives 
may take time for the questions which must 
in such a large way affect the common wel- 
fare, and the method of government by 
representatives of the people gives to these 
representatives the opportunity really to 
qualify themselves for decision, as it makes 
possible also prompt action where such 
action is demanded. At some time or other 
it may possibly seem wise or even necessary 
to make radical changes in our own methods 
of government, but on the whole the results 
secured under our system would certainly 
appear to justify its continuance. 

Then this government in the nature of 
the case must be for the people and for all 
the people, and not to satisfy the ambitions 
of rulers, nor to increase the possessions of 
individuals or classes at the expense of 
other individuals or classes. Yet it must 
be borne in mind that just as in a race upon 
the athletic field some one is likely to out- 
distance all the others, or as in a series of 
athletic events some one team is sure to win 
the pennant, so in the operations of gov- 
ernment some will outdistance the others, 
and government for the people must not be 
interpreted as meaning that all men and 
all groups, family groups or groups of 
towns or country, shall share equally in the 
results of human enterprise. If the idle and 
the diligent are to share alike in the results 
of labor, the result would be the discourage- 
ment of toil by society. The same rule 
which takes the reward from the diligent 
takes the incentive to labor from the idle. 
The same regulation which robs the studious 
of that which mental application makes pos- 
sible, must certainly destroy the ambition 
for learning. Government for the people 
represents not the purpose to level down, but 



14 



MAESHALING THE FOECES OF PATEIOTISM 



rather the desire to level up society, to 
place the premium upon industry and ap- 
plication, and upon those moral qualities 
which constitute the greatest asset in a 
world of industry and learning. 

What Is at Stake 

It is to make the world safe for such gov- 
ernment as this that we are at war. If 
Germany were finally victorious in its war- 
fare waged against democracy, we should 
lose many of the things which we have 
gained as a nation. Instead of government 
by the people there would be. government by 
those who evidently regard themselves as 
the chosen ones of heaven to bear rule over 
the people. It would mean the substitution 
of autocracy, with all its narrowness and 
ambition, with all its militaristic spirit, for 
the democracy under which we have lived. 
It would mean the substitution of tyranny 
for liberty. In a very real way we should 
be the subjects of the Prussian Crown, 
subjects of its ambitions and selfishness, 
the subjects of its ideals and methods. Amer- 
ica would not be safe for democracy, 
but would cease to exist as a home for de- 
mocracy. Instead of government for the 
people there would be government in the 
interest of individuals, of classes. And if 
America should cease to be a home of de- 
mocracy, how would it fare in Italy and 
France and Great Britain? How would it 
be with the vast populations of Russia ? Mr. 
Lincoln said that "God must have loved the 
common people because he made so many of 
them." One can think of the kindly smile 
upon the face of the great leader as he ut- 
tered these words, "God is the friend of the 
common people." But in truth the gospel 
of his Son is the gospel of a democracy lifted 
to a new level. Its objective is that of a 
great brotherhood in which there shall be 
a King indeed, but the King himself a 



Brother. In the consummate dream of the 
gospel there is the picture of a city which 
lieth foursquare, a kingly city indeed, but 
of which every habitation is a mansion. God 
must love the common people, and while we 
struggle in the great conflict to-day, surely 
we are engaged not only in a significant 
task, not only in an honorable warfare, but 
in a holy enterprise. If we succeed we shall 
help to write a new chapter in the history 
of mankind. We shall secure not only 
America in safety for democracy, but we 
shall make easier the problem with which 
Russia grapples. We shall come to the 
help of France, worn in the struggle. We 
shall aid Great Britain in its worthiest 
and loftiest aspirations. We will help to 
lift the lands of the East into the light of a 
brighter day. We shall succor the people 
and save the ideal. More than that, we will 
be approved by posterity as the truest 
friends of the Germanic races. In all the 
continents and the islands of the sea there 
will be a new incentive to labor, a new re- 
ward for toil. A victory for democracy will 
prove the beginning of international peace. 

FOR SPECIAL STUDY 

1. If you were conducting a class in 
preparation for citizenship, how would you 
explain to your students the meaning of 
democracy ? 

2. Of how much value to the community 
is a well-organized system of law? 

3. What is the difference between auto- 
cratic and democratic law? 

4. What is the difference between the 
town meeting style of government and our 
present-day system of government through 
representatives? Why has the latter type 
become necessary? 

5. What effect would a German victory 
have upon the practice of government by 
the people? 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



15 



CHAPTER IV 
PAYING THE PRICE 



Burdens Not to Be Shirked 

The whole process of life may be thought 
of as a sort of exchange or purchase in 
which we give something that we have in 
order to secure something that we desire, 
or in which we surrender something that 
we have in order to retain something that 
we esteem of greater value. America has 
entered into war with Germany. She is 
living to-day in many places on scant ra- 
tions, contrasting the table of the present 
with that of a while ago. She is laying 
down her wealth by millions that she may 
minister to those of all the lands which the 
war has robbed and wounded. In a way 
altogether new to us, she has placed in the 
treasury of the nation billions of dollars 
for the help of the nations with which she 
is allied and for the adequate equipment 
of her own forces. But America makes her 
supreme contribution in this war which she 
is waging to make the world a safe place to 
live in, when she sends her sons by the thou- 
sands and hundreds of thousands to brave 
the dangers of the sea and face the perils 
at the front. 

Why does she do it? Why does the na- 
tion turn from the usual peaceful progress 
of her industry? Why does she start out 
upon this new way? It is because peace 
without honor does not and cannot satisfy 
her. The right is worth more than peace. 
As between our mines and our forests and 
our freedom, if we must lose one or the 
other, let us surrender our forests and our 
gold. If we must surrender for a while even 
some of those very rights and privileges 
which belong to a free people, let us without 
hesitation make the sacrifice, for it means 
the holding of our charter as a nation and 
the enjoyment in the days to come of all 
those immunities and blessings which have 
made our life as a people worth living. 

Worth More Than It Costs 

A very suggestive cartoon appeared some 
time ago in one of the papers. It repre- 
sented King Albert standing in the pres- 



ence of the Kaiser and the Kaiser is say- 
ing, "Ha ! Ha ! You have lost your crown, 
your sceptre, your kingdom !" and Albert is 
represented as saying, "I may have lost my 
crown, but I have saved my soul." It is 
doubtless a fair representation of the 
choice which the King of Belgium made 
when, in those fateful days of 1914, the Ger- 
man army came, arrogant and confident, 
demanding the privilege of passage over 
Belgium's soil for the invasion and con- 
quest of France. It is a grim picture that 
is before us as we think of the cities of 
Belgium under the fire of those mighty 
guns, guns of whose very existence the 
world had no knowledge, guns which had 
been forged in the days of avowed friendship 
among the nations of Europe. Cathedrals 
have been shattered, homes ruined, cities 
blotted out, so that it is difficult to find the 
place even where they stood, a people 
has been scattered and the king is practi- 
cally in exile. Are human ideals really 
worth while? Was the thing to which the 
king held, worth more than that which it 
cost to hold it ? 

Life Ennobled by Sacrifice 

That is the question which we face and 
must answer. There seem to be great 
emotions which mold the lives of those 
who give themselves .to great enterprises. 
In Donald Hankey's book, "The Student in 
Arms," he has told the story of those who 
came out of the poverty and ignorance of 
London at its worst, and who entered into 
the war, responding to the call of King and 
country. Some who were in that great city 
at the time when the men were first called 
to the colors will remember the groups that 
were gathered immediately after their en- 
listment, and will bear in memory the faces 
that seemed to lack expression and dignity 
of purpose. Hankey unfolds the story of 
these lives and tells how, little by little, the 
consciousness of the task and its meaning 
dawned upon them, and how in the school 
of military discipline and hardship these 



16 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



men learned the lesson and seemed to mea- 
sure up in fine manly fashion to the de- 
mands of the hour. Many of them fell upon 
the field, but even as they died there shone 
upon their faces a light which never glowed 
there in former days. It is worth . while 
to dare great dangers that one may do great 
things. It is the old story illustrated in the 
life of many a saint and martyr. The gold 
of character has been refined in the fires of 
persecution and yet it has really paid to 
suffer in order to become. It is not the en- 
durance of hardship for a selfish end which 
pays, though even such discipline has a cer- 
tain value. It is rather the endurance of 
suffering for some great unselfish end, some 
good to come to others, that really glorifies. 
The thing of which Donald Hankey writes 
in his story of the London poor, has ap- 
peared just as certainly in the life of the 
London rich. What happened to those who 
lacked even the scanty mental training of 
the poorest schools was reproduced in the 
lives of those who came out of the great uni- 
versities of Oxford and Cambridge with all 
the culture of the university training and 
fellowship. Those men found the great re- 
ward of sacrifice just as the unlearned found 
it. Life has a larger meaning for the great 
multitudes of England, and doubtless of 
all the other countries, since the call to con- 
flict sounded. One does not glorify war on 
this account. The glory comes in the will- 
ing sacrifice of self in the defense of the 
imperiled and in the, liberation of the op- 
pressed. It would seem impossible to find 
in the motive of selfish and aggressive war- 
fare the secret of such ennoblement, but 
it is all different when one thinks of those 
who in the old, old days of the Leyden siege 
kept the gate, or of those scantily clad com- 
rades of Washington at Valley Forge, or of 
those who inarched in the days of the sixties, 
singing, 

"In the beauty of the lilies Christ was 

born across the sea, 
With a glory in His bosom that transfigures 

you and m&; 
As He died to make men holy, let us die 

to make men free, 

While God is marching on." 



The Task Before Us 

As one thinks of these the great unself- 
ishness of the motive glorifies the faces of 
those who suffer and die. As we count the 
cost of America's participation in the war 
this return must not be forgotten. Amer- 
ica will get something if she pays the price. 
Doubtless there is already in the hearts 
of our people an enrichment of conscious- 
ness such as we did not possess in those old 
days, for Almighty God does not hold back 
all the wage until the end of the day. He 
pays by installments, though doubtless at 
length what we receive now will seem more 
the earnest of the real reward than as a 
part of it. But for the doing of the larger 
thing, the carrying out of the great program 
which touches the world and means the good 
of all men everywhere, whatever comes to 
pass we must be prepared to pay the price. 
America must not only consent to the sacri- 
fice already made, but must highly resolve 
to see the war through, and to do this at 
whatever cost, at whatever sacrifice. Every 
home must make its willing contribution in 
the practice of such measures as will make 
possible the sharing of our food with the 
people over the seas — of France and Italy 
and Great Britain, as well as of Belgium, 
and the other lands which are in need. The 
strength of their men and their women has 
been given to the prosecution of this great 
war for democracy. There is the chance and 
the call to every one of us. We must be 
ready to aid the Red Cross in its work for 
the relief of suffering. We must do what 
we can for the Young Men's Christian 
Association, as it renders its most important 
help at home and abroad for the comfort of 
the soldiers, for their recreation, but also 
for their moral and religious help, which in 
a way that cannot be measured is strength- 
ening the morale of the army and so is help- 
ing to win the victory for democracy. But 
America must give her sons as well as her 
substance. Entering the conflict, as we did 
in 1917, we came into fellowship with 
nations which from the beginning of the 
war had been pouring out their treasures of 
wealth and man power for the defeat of 
Prussian ambition. Even if Russia should 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



17 



disappoint the fears of the Allies and come 
back again, months of golden opportunity 
have been lost and the task has been vastly 
increased by her dissensions within and by 
her parleying with the enemy. Italy has 
been weakened by conditions for which she 
is not to be held responsible, but the burden 
she bears to-day she cannot bear alone. It 
must be shared by the nations which are 
now fighting with her. France has exhib- 
ited the sort of heroism that before the 
outbreak of this war the world would not 
have believed would ever again be demanded, 
a heroism which its women have shared 
with its men. 

The Kingdom of Heroism 

Great Britain has spared neither the 
Mother Country nor the colonies in her 
attempt to stop the progress of cruelty and 
deceit, and America must see and feel that 
this is the day in which she also must enter 
into the Kingdom of Heroism. If we sit in 
quietness and think that the other nations 
can win the battle we have before us a day 
of rude awakening, or if we think that we 
can do our part in any easy way we shall 
find ourselves sadly mistaken. It is not a 
time for divisive agitation, or for the pro- 
jection of new programs or schemes. It is 
not the time to exploit our pet theories of 
reform, except as these may bear directly 
upon the program for the winning of the 
war, or as they may apply certainly to the 
moral life of the nation as distinct from its 
economic prosperity. America must not 
only give its scantily measured share, it 
must give itself in great passionate devotion 
to the cause. And it must do it now. To at- 
tempt any easier way of ending the conflict 
means simply and surely the trumpet call 
to-morrow, and the clash of arms and the 
death grip of nations. At a banquet in 
New York at which were present represen- 
tatives from France and Great Britain, 
Mr. Joseph H. Choate, since deceased, who 
knew England, having served as our Am- 
bassador at the Court of St. James, cried 
out in appeal to his fellow-countrymen, 
"For God's sake, hurry up!" It is not in- 
appropriate to repeat those words to our- 



selves and to sound them out to others. 
The more passionately we give ourselves to 
the war, the more quickly shall we win vic- 
tory. The more unitedly we answer to the 
call to-day the fewer the men to suffer and 
to die. The costliest attitude that America 
can take is that of indifference or of half- 
hearted devotion. There must be no hold- 
ing back, there must be no turning aside. 
The world cannot be at peace again in any 
true and satisfying way until the issues 
before the world are settled. 

Does might make right? Is it true that 
there is no place on earth for the weaker 
nations? Is it right to allow that constitu- 
tions and treaties shall be regarded but as 
"scraps of paper"? Is it so that a nation 
which makes war on defenseless women and 
children shall have the respect of civiliza- 
tion? Is it true that any man has a right 
which humanity cannot challenge to place 
his puppets on the thrones of power? Is it 
to be condoned that in the twentieth cen- 
tury a mighty nation deliberately promul- 
gates its decrees for the sinking of neutral 
ships, their passengers and crews, without 
attempt at rescue, so that there may be no 
survivors to reveal the cruelty of the attack ? 
Is the gospel of liberty and of the equal 
chance a gospel out of place in this sad 
world? If the hungry pride of kings is to 
be rebuked, if the violators of solemn cove- 
nants are to be branded for their falsity, if 
the enemies of mankind are to be resisted, 
if the forces that have marched to war upon 
civilization are to be driven back, if the 
plans of intolerable tyranny are to be de- 
feated, if the world is to be made safe for 
democracy, if we are to win the war, 
America must resolutely, heroically settle 
down to its tremendous task, with all its 
resources of money and of men, must begin 
its drive toward the goal, and hold on its 
way until the goal is won. Let us hear 
again the solemn words: 
"He hath sounded forth the trumpet that 

shall never call retreat ; 
He is sifting out the hearts of men before 

the judgment seat; 
O, be swift, my soul, to answer Him, be 

jubilant, my feet. 

Our God is marching on." 



18 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



FOR SPECIAL STUDY 

1. Will a man give all that he has to save 
his life? 

2. What are some of the things for which 
we are ready to give not only all that we 
have, but our lives also? 



3. Show how in war men. may have their 
lives ennobled and inspired. 

4. Just what is it that has this ennobling 
influence ? 

5. What are some of the elements of the 
price that we will have to pay for the ac- 
complishment of our task? 



CHAPTER V 
THE CALL TO ENLIST 



Use it with Honor 

In the year 1848 a movement was started 
in Germany and Austria for the greater 
freedom of the people. Uprisings occurred 
in many cities. In Prussia the students at 
the universities led in popular demonstra- 
tions and in sending petitions to the king. 
The king's answer was an order to his sol- 
diers to fire on the citizens; but after a 
few days of fighting he withdrew his troops 
and promised a better form of government. 
Months passed by and when the king 
showed no disposition to carry out his 
promise protests were again made. The 
people of Germany outlined a constitution, 
but the king of Prussia refused to consider 
it because he thought it gave too many 
rights to the people. When his attitude be- 
came known a revolution broke out. 

Among the student patriots was Carl 
Schurz, who when the revolution failed, 
escaped to America, where he became the 
friend and ardent supporter of Lincoln. At 
that time he was a young man of nineteen 
years. He felt that he must join those who 
were fighting for the rights of the people. 
Hurrying home he told his parents of his 
decision. "It is a just cause," said his 
father. "It is right that you should espouse 
it;" and his devoted mother brought him 
his sword, saying as she placed it in his 
hand, "Use it, my son, with honor." 

The Call to the Colors 

Similar scenes are being enacted in many 
American homes to-day. The call is to 
young manhood to throw itself unreserv- 
edly and with noble enthusiasm into this 
world struggle of free peoples against en- 



trenched autocracy. The call is likewise 
to every member of every fireside group to 
lend encouragement and aid to those who 
offer themselves to the service of the na- 
tion. The struggle is on, human freedom 
is at stake. No sacrifice is too great so the 
end be attained and the principles for 
which we strive be established. 

For years the democracies of the world 
have recognized the danger to themselves 
and to human freedom presented by neigh- 
boring imperial governments supported by 
powerful military machines. But free men 
have hoped that such governments would 
gradually become intolerable to the people 
over whom they ruled and that their power 
would be restricted. Men also hoped that 
in international affairs the principles of 
arbitration and mutual concession might 
find general recognition. These hopes this 
war of military aggression has for the time 
being shattered. The right of free peoples 
to determine their own destinies has been 
ruthlessly assailed. Democracy has been 
put on the defensive and compelled to fight 
for its very existence. Collectively and 
singly the free peoples fighting together 
against militarism and autocracy are en- 
gaged in a life-and-death struggle. In the 
words of Donald Hankey: "The good 
Father has laid it on men to offer their lives 
for an ideal. If we fought for bloodlust 
or hate war would be sordid. But if we 
fight as only Christians can, that friend- 
ship and peace may become possible, then 
fighting is our duty." 

To Christian America, and to the Chris- 
tian churches in particular, the present con- 
flict, just because it is a conflict of prin- 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



19 



ciples, offers an opportunity for service and 
presents a challenge to sacrifice such as 
could come to them in no other way. This 
challenge the American people have ac- 
cepted. To the call of God and of country 
they have responded with whole-hearted 
loyalty and consecration. 

The toll of life will be heavy. For the 
nations who thus far have borne the burden 
of the conflict that toll already exceeds the 
limits of exact calculation. At the close 
of 1917 more than 6,000,000 men had been 
killed in action; 1,000,000 men, women and 
children had been brutally massacred; 
3,000,000 had died of starvation; 6,000,000 
were lying wounded in military hospitals; 
while unnumbered thousands have been sent 
home permanently crippled, maimed, 
blinded, or deformed. Now that our own 
troops have reached the front we begin to 
realize what these statistics mean in the pos- 
sibilities of personal suffering, heartache, 
and sorrow. "No human brain," says 
Sherwood Eddy, "can calculate, no heart 
can fathom the cost or loss of this terrible 
conflict." 

The Duty of Industry 

About two million men from the United 
States are now either in active service at 
the front or in training camps in prepara- 
tion for that service. Other draft quotas 
and volunteers will follow. All should have 
our encouragement and God-speed. We 
should be among them if our age and 
strength permits. The going of so many 
able-bodied men, however, cannot fail to 
cripple many useful activities and lines 
of work at home, except as those who can- 
not themselves join the colors shoulder the 
burden and responsibility of greater per- 
sonal industry, thereby strengthening the 
forces that remain at home. 

How can this be done? Can those who 
remain make their time and strength count 
for enough more than usual to measurably 
take the places of those who are away? Is 
there any room anywhere for the slacker? 
For the idler? For the person who refuses 
to invest his whole strength and energy at 
some point in the great common enterprise 



in which we are together engaged? "To 
every civilian," said Premier Lloyd George 
in his New Year message to the English 
people, "I would say that your firing line 
is at the works or office in which you do 
your bit; in "the shop or kitchen in which 
you spend or save. . . . The road to duty 
and patriotism is clear before you. Fol- 
low it and it will lead you ere long to safety 
for our own people and victory for our 
cause." 

The Duty of Economy 

A companion obligation to the duty of 
industry is that of economy and the con- 
servation of resources and of strength. The 
National Government has found it neces- 
sary to take over the railroads of the coun- 
try and is contemplating taking the same 
action in relation to certain other vital in- 
dustries. The purpose of this action is to 
eliminate waste and conserve both energy 
and materials. The concrete measures of 
economy immediately resulting from gov- 
ernmental control of railroads include the 
elimination of unnecessary passenger travel 
by the drastic curtailment of luxurious con- 
veniences such as the use of private cars, 
which are entirely prohibited, material re- 
duction in the number of parlor and sleep- 
ing cars, and the consolidation of train 
service on competing lines. At the same 
time first consideration is being given to 
the transportation of commodities essen- 
tial to life and to the successful conduct 
and energetic prosecution of the war. Food 
stuffs, fuel and munitions have the right of 
way. There has been a new appraisement 
of relative values. The personal ease, con- 
venience and comfort of the traveling 
public is sacrificed, and properly so, to effi- 
ciency in war service for ourselves and our 
Allies. 

The example thus set on a large scale by 
the National Administration can be ap- 
plied and emulated in the smaller spheres 
of the community, the family and the indi- 
vidual life. Luxuries, unnecessary expend- 
iture of money, time spent in mere amuse- 
ments not essential for recreation, extrava- 
gance and waste of every kind — these are 



20 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



the things that constitute the dangers at 
home and threaten to weaken the support 
given to the brave boys in khaki who are 
fighting for us, suffering for us, and dying 
for us in the trenches. The full perform- 
ance of duty at home calls for a new in- 
ventory of resources, time, strength, talents 
and abilities, habits and occupations, and 
opportunities for service. Such an inven- 
tory made under the call of present duty is 
sure to result in a new scale of values in 
which personal pleasure and profit will al- 
most disappear, while fidelity in work, un- 
selfish service and sacrifice will appear as 
the highest privileges of citizenship and 
the marks of honor. 

Helping Finance the War 

Thus every one may respond to the na- 
tion's call to defend the flag and support 
the Government in its war program. Just 
what this response will involve concretely 
for those who remain at home will be 
pointed out in other chapters. There is one 
form of support, however, that all can give 
to the Government in addition to the per- 
sonal service rendered, namely that of 
financial aid. 

The money cost of the war staggers hu- 
man powers of comprehension. The present 
daily cost to all belligerents, not including 
the economic value of the lives lost, is up- 
wards of $130,000,000.00. During the first 
and cheapest year the cost was greater than 
all the national debts in the world com- 
bined. In the second half of the fourth 
year the total cost is rapidly approaching 
$100,000,000,000.00, which is nearly twenty 
per cent of the combined national wealth of 
the nations engaged. Much of this vast 
sum is being raised by taxation, but all 
cannot be so provided. America, like every 
other nation engaged, must borrow. But 
there is no one from whom to borrow except 
her own people — the American people. To 
be a creditor of Uncle Sam has always been 
a distinction and an honor. Banks, trust 
companies, and men of wealth prefer IT. S. 
<'<ivernment bonds at fixed minimum rates 
of interest, to first mortgages, stocks or 
bonds of private corporations at higher 



rates. This is because they are absolutely 
safe security. They cannot fail so long as 
the nation continues to exist free and in- 
dependent. 

To lend to the Government of the United 
States in this its time of need is the 
privilege of every citizen. And it is a 
sacred duty. It is one of the war duties we 
are considering in these chapters. It 
happens to be a duty to which there at- 
taches no element of risk. Therefore it is 
one to which all can respond, each in the 
measure of his ability to save by dint of 
diligent labor and conscientious thrift. 
The danger is that some may not respond 
as promptly as they should, or that they 
will not buy as many bonds or saving cer- 
tificates as they can and should. The sums 
needed by the Government are very large 
and the help of all will be necessary. 

The Spirit in which We Fight 

In every form of service required of the 
American people the Christian spirit and 
motive have a place. America is fighting, 
not for gain or conquest, not even solely in 
self-defense. She is fighting for right, for 
truth and for justice; for the application 
of the principles of human brotherhood 
and mutual good-will and trust to the re- 
lationships of nations and peoples to each 
other. "America is not the name of so 
much territory. It is a living spirit, born 
in travail, grown in the rough school of 
bitter experiences, a living spirit which has 
purpose and pride and conscience. . . . 
It is more precious that this America should 
live than that we Americans should live." 

For America this is a war for human 
freedom and for international righteous- 
ness. It is a war that must be won at all 
costs. It must be won decisively and as 
promptly as the undivided and determined 
purpose and united supreme effort of free 
peoples can assure. "The whole nation 
must dedicate itself," says the U. S. Secre- 
tary of Labor, "and as the issue between 
freedom and authority is clearly drawn I 
find evidences on all hands that the whole 
nation is rising to its responsibility and 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



21 



dedicating all its resources, material as 
well as spiritual, to the successful prosecu- 
tion of the war and to the realization of 
those ideals for which we have entered upon 
it." We are fighting for a righteous cause 
and we will "see it through." From this 
purpose and from this attitude spring 
other immediate duties which we shall con- 
sider in the chapters that follow. 



FOR SPECIAL STUDY 

1. Point out some ways in which we can 
encourage and aid those who join the colors. 

2. What are some of the duties of the 
army of workers who must remain at home ? 

3. In what ways can we by economies as- 
sist the government in its work? 

4. In what ways is the government secur- 
ing the money to carry on the war ? 



CHAPTER VI 
FOOD CONSERVATION AND WAR GARDENS 



Food May Win the War 

This is the conviction of those in author- 
ity who are in a position to know. It was 
President Wilson's conviction when he ap- 
pointed Mr. Herbert Hoover as National 
Food Administrator just as soon as America 
entered the war. Mr. Hoover was then in 
charge of American relief work in Belgium. 
At first hand he had studied the food situ- 
ation in all of the allied countries. The 
information he brought to the American 
Government was not very encouraging, for 
it showed for every country greatly de- 
pleted flocks and herds, short crops and ex- 
hausted surpluses of wheat, sugar, fats, and 
other essentials. 

To the American people Mr. Hoover is- 
sued this momentous warning: 

"All the blood, all the heroism, all the 
money, and all the ammunition in the 
world will not win this war unless our 
Allies and the people behind them are fed. 
They will not be fed, your sacrifice of blood 
and money will be in vain, we shall go 
hungry and a great cause will be lost un- 
less you stand guard every day in your 
home over your supply of wheat, meat, fats, 
sugar, and milk." 

This was in mid-summer of 1917. Since 
then another harvest has been gathered. 
In Europe that harvest was short, much 
smaller than usual, and not large enough in 
any country to feed the people for a year. 
In America the harvest was abundant, 
much larger than we need for our own use, 
but not large enough to feed both us and 



our Allies except by the strictest methods 
of economy and saving. 

After the harvests in all countries were 
garnered and the total world's food supply 
accessible to America and her Allies was 
definitely known, it was found that this 
total supply was about thirty per cent 
under the normal amount necessary to feed 
all the armies and civilian populations de- 
pending upon that supply. 

In this crisis the National Government 
through the National Food Administration 
has appealed to the American people, of 
their own free will, to make the necessary 
sacrifice and to share the privation and 
strict economy with our Allies in just pro- 
portion as good partners in a high and holy 
enterprise. 

Three Things to be Done 

Just what are the American people asked 
to do? What kinds of foods are most 
needed by France, Italy, Belgium, and Eng- 
land? What kinds can be most easily 
transported? What substitutes can we find 
in America for the foods that must be sent 
to our Allies? 

These are some of the problems and ques- 
tions that concern every American citizen, 
young or old, poor or wealthy, in the 
country or in the city. They have all been 
considered by the National Food Admin- 
istration and Mr. Hoover has suggested 
how in part they may be answered. 

Three very definite answers are made to 
the first question, "What are the American 
people asked to do?" We are asked to stop 



22 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



wasting food and to economise very closely 
in its use. We are asked to be especially 
saving in the use of wheat, meats, fats, 
sugar, and milk, and to substitute other 
foods for these wherever possible. And we 
are urged as spring approaches to see to 
it that more food than ever before is pro- 
duced. In other words, every citizen is 
asked to save, to substitute, and to aid in 
increasing production. Let us consider sep- 
arately each of these demands, for the suc- 
cess of the war does demand them. 

Why Save Wheat, Meat, Fats and Sugar? 

Why should we be especially saving in 
the use of wheat, meat, fats and sugar? 
The easy answer is that these are the kinds 
of food which our Allies most need and 
which they must secure from America if 
at all. But this answer should be ampli- 
fied in order that we may fully understand 
just what the Food Administration is try- 
ing to do and why. Understanding both 
the purpose and method of our government 
in its program of food conservation, we 
shall be able, each one of us, to do his full 
share intelligently and with enthusiasm. 

We must send wheat to our Allies, be- 
cause wheat contains more nourishment in 
compact form, and so requires less ship 
space, than more bulky foods, such as po- 
tatoes for example. For the same reason 
it is better to send milled flour from which 
the bran of the wheat has been removed 
than to send the whole wheat. Therefore 
whole-wheat and Graham bread used in 
America represent a saving for export over 
the use of white bread. But it is better 
still to substitute rye or corn, and to save 
more wheat flour for export. Wheat is 
better for shipping to the Allies than corn 
because wheat flour keeps better than corn 
meal, and because the people of Europe are 
not provided with mills for grinding the 
corn. Neither are the people in the allied 
countries accustomed to the use of corn 
bread, and it is not easy for a people under 
the pressure of great hardships to change 
their habits of diet. 

We must send meat because in France, 
Belgium, Italy, and even in England, the 



people having small crops have for this 
reason had less feed for their cattle. Thus 
it became necessary for them each year 
since the war began to reduce their flocks 
and herds which they could no longer feed. 
Their meat supply has therefore dwindled 
rapidly until to-day the Allies have 33,000,- 
000 fewer food animals than before the war. 
Even after the war ends it will take a long 
time to bring these flocks and herds back to 
their normal size. Our help will be needed 
through several years. Just now the need 
for that help is imperative. 

Fats and sugar are needed as fuel for 
the body and for keeping up the physical 
vitality of the people. In addition animal 
fats are needed for the manufacture of 
glycerine, which is so important in the mak- 
ing of munitions. Milk is needed partly for 
its fats in munition making and very largely 
also for its food values, especially for little 
children. With exhausted surpluses and 
greatly reduced sources of supply the need 
is abnormally great and only from America, 
and the United States especially, can this 
help come. 

Substitutes for Export Foods 

America is fortunate in its abundant 
supply of vegetable foods. These cannot 
be easily exported and are not so sorely 
needed by our Allies as are the foods men- 
tioned in the preceding paragraphs. A very 
great saving in export foods is possible for 
the people of America through the substi- 
tution of vegetables in their own daily 
menu. Just now there is a large surplus 
of potatoes, which in Europe, and especially 
in the Central Empires, have been used 
very extensively as a war diet. In addi- 
tion America produces an abundance of 
beans, peas, and vegetables of every sort. 
But as a people we have not yet accus- 
tomed ourselves to the full utilization of 
these as food. Those who know the facts 
tell us that the average amount of vege- 
table diet used in America is fourteen per 
cent of the food consumed. This is only 
one third the percentage used in some 
European countries, and less than one half 
the amount that could safely be used 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



23 



by the people as a whole without danger of 
impairing the strength, health, or vitality 
of anyone. A very simple mathematical 
calculation will show what a substantial 
help it would be in our fight against a world 
famine if the American people would 
promptly and systematically double the 
amount of their vegetable food and save 
this added fourteen per cent of their pres- 
ent total in the form of foods that can be 
sent abroad. 

Could not this be done this year? It 
could if the facts in the case could be 
brought to the attention of every citizen. 
They are brought to your attention now, 
and through you it should be possible to 
reach many others. Shall we not together 
as students and teachers of this course 
covenant to do our part in this simple and 
yet most important matter? Substitute 
fruit and vegetables for wheat and meat at 
every possible meal and just as extensively 
as possible up to a total of between 25 and 
30 per cent of each entire meal. Will you 
do this for your country? Will you begin 
now? In addition, the amount of these 
foods available for export, that is, wheat, 
meat, fats, sugar, and milk, can be further 
augmented by substituting other cereals 
for wheat, by baking and broiling foods in- 
stead of frying them in fats and by reduc- 
ing to the minimum the use of pork, beef, 
veal, and mutton, and using more fish 
and poultry instead. 

Establishing Habits of Food Conservation 

If what has already been said has made 
clear the urgent need for saving food, espe- 
cially those kinds of food most needed by 
our Allies, then patriotism demands of 
every person in the United States that he 
or she do something about it forthwith. 
The boys in the trenches do not simply re- 
solve to give battle; they "go over the top" 
and attack and win. We are their com- 
rades in reserve. To our care are intrusted 
valuable supplies which they need in order 
to win. What is our clear duty in the case ? 
Can anyone selfishly use more than he 
needs? And if the supply is insufficient 
for all, whose needs should have first con- 



sideration? Our needs at home? Or the 
needs of those who are in and just back of 
the trenches? We are agreed that food 
may win the war, then let us see to it that 
so far as we are concerned food does win 
the war. To this end consider the sug- 
gestions made by the Food Administration 
for the purpose of establishing right habits 
of daily action in the matter. Each day 
one wheatless and one meatless meal. Each 
week one meatless day. Every meal a "clean 
plate" or wasteless meal. These are the 
suggestions contained on the food report 
cards. Use these cards, fill them out, and 
return them regularly to the church or Sun- 
day school with which you are affiliated. Do 
more than is suggested if you can. Make 
it two meatless days each week and every 
other meal wheatless. Having decided what 
you can do, do it regularly, as a fixed habit. 

Increasing Our Food Supply 

Last summer we heard and read much 
about war gardens. This year we shall 
read and hear more. In many households 
there is a goodly supply of navy beans and 
dried sweet corn grown late last season in 
high-school boys' war gardens. They 
have been a substantial addition to the 
family supply of "non-export foods." 
Many of the gardens were on vacant city 
lots that for many years had lain idle and 
unproductive. There are thousands of va- 
cant city lots in America on which nothing 
has ever been raised, except the price and 
the taxes. The owners of such lots in most 
cases would be glad to donate their use for 
patriotic gardens. 

An early start in planning and in pre- 
paration is important. Local seed mer- 
chants, professional gardeners, farmers 
when they come to town, or the agricultural 
departments of nearby colleges and at 
Washington will gladly give advice and 
counsel to anyone desiring information re- 
garding what to plant, and how and when 
to plant it. 

For the Farmer's Boy and His Father 

What city folks may be able to do in the 
matter of war gardens will be valuable. 



24 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



But it will not excuse those who live on the 
farm from doing their part. There is so 
much land in America that comparatively 
few have learned the secret of intensive 
and economical farming. Much of our soil 
is exploited, drained of its natural fertility 
and then abandoned. Witness the "run 
down," neglected farms in New England 
and in the South. These farms ought not 
so to be. They can be redeemed, and some 
time they will be. Some of them, a larger 
number than ever before, should be re- 
deemed this year — cleared up, fertilized, and 
brought under cultivation. 

Then there are the unbroken prairie and 
sage lands of our western States. Climatic 
conditions permitting, no time could be 
more favorable for the breaking of new 
ground than the present. In the spirit of 
patriotism let us venture more and more 
largely than ever before. For the farmer 
everywhere the right selection of crops and 
the more careful and intensive cultivation 
of every available acre is a patriotic duty. 
The fulfillment of this duty will be regis- 
tered in a greater wheat acreage and an in- 
crease in flocks and herds against another 
year of world-wide need for food. 

If to the call for economy and self-denial 
the American people give a generous and 
timely response, substantial benefits to us 
as a nation will surely follow. We have 
been justly called the most wasteful nation 
on earth. Supplies and needs have not been 



properly adjusted to each other. Harvests, 
especially of fruit and vegetables, have 
often been left ungathered because of 
the lack of near-by markets and the expense 
of shipping. This, we believe, will not 
again be true in the same measure as in 
the past. People with moderate incomes 
have not had sufficient encouragement to 
save the small amounts possible for them 
to save above living expenses, because of 
lack of opportunity to invest safely with 
an assured income. Hereafter such oppor- 
tunities will be more abundant. But while 
the war lasts economy and self-denial will 
not be sufficient. / The occasion demands 
sacrifice. And in this respect Americans 
may prove that the heroism, the courage, 
the willingness to do and to dare which 
characterized the spirit of the pioneers, 
from whom so many of us are descended, 
have not departed from us as a people. 
God does not call us to lives of ease or 
pleasure, he calls us to be workers together 
with him in the service of mankind. 

FOR SPECIAL STUDY 

1. State briefly the main causes for the 
need for food conservation. 

2. Why is it advisable to substitute cer- 
tain kinds of food for certain other kinds? 

3. What practical plans has the food ad- 
ministration suggested for food conserva- 
tion? 



CHAPTER VII 

THE RED CROSS, THE RED TRIANGLE, AND THE WAR WORK 

OF THE CHURCHES 



A Quick Response 

One encouraging aspect of the present 
war situation is the quick response of the 
American people to every appeal of the 
National Government and of authorized co- 
operating agencies for the mobilization of 
.the energies, industries, and resources of the 
nation. The spirit of Christian benevo- 
lence and brotherhood that unmistakably 
characterizes this response in many of its 
varied forms is exemplified more especially 



in the support given to the American Red 
Cross, the Red and Blue Triangles (Y. M. 
C. A. and Y. W. C. A.), and the war work 
of the united Christian churches. Each of 
these agencies symbolizes the spirit of 
neighborliness, sympathy, mercy, and vica- 
rious sacrifice in a world which to-day ex- 
emplifies the exact opposite of all of these 
in the frightfully cruel and devastating 
struggle of the war. The measure of sup- 
port given to the religious-humanitarian 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



25 



activities which these organized agencies 
represent is the measure likewise of the 
heart throb and the soul of our nation. 

The American Red Cross 

The benevolent activities of the Red 
Cross Society, at first organized for the 
specific purpose of lending first aid to the 
wounded back of the battle lines, have rap- 
idly expanded until to-day they include its 
hospital, ambulance, sanitation, comfort 
and relief service on the battle fronts; its 
similar, though more restricted work in the 
cantonments; its institutes for the train- 
ing of nurses and home-service workers ; 
its aid to needy families of soldiers and 
other home-service activities; its food serv- 
ice to Americans in enemy countries con- 
ducted through agencies in neutral coun- 
tries; its munificent gifts to the work of 
relief, medical service, and research in the 
war zone. The recent campaign for 10,- 
000,000 new members for the Red Cross re- 
sulted in many more than that number 
uniting with the Society and pledging 
it their support. The total membership 
already exceeds 20,000,000. All over the 
country women are meeting each week in 
the churches to make hospital garments and 
surgical dressings, while in their homes 
they have already knitted literally millions 
of socks, scarfs, helmets, and sweaters for 
the comfort of our soldiers at home and 
abroad. 

The varied activities of the Society are 
illustrated by the report of the establish- 
ment of American Red Cross relief work 
in Italy following the unexpected mili- 
tary reverses in the North. This report 
was cabled to Washington a few weeks ago 
by Major Murphy, American Red Cross 
Commissioner to Europe, and says : 
"Within approximately two weeks after our 
arrival we had established warehouses and 
branch warehouses to supply all important 
points. We were distributing mattresses, 
sheets, pillows, pillow cases, hospital 
clothes, blankets, sweaters, socks, shirts, 
women's and children's clothing, general 
anaesthetics, sterilizing apparatus, auto- 
claves, amputation sets, beds, bedding, 



gauze, absorbent cotton, drugs, and general 
food stuffs. We were administering soup 
kitchens on lines of transportation through 
which refugees are pouring. We had 
opened shelters for homeless women and 
children. We had established and enlarged 
workshops where wives and daughters of 
soldiers and refugees were working. We 
had accumulated and were distributing 
great stores of condensed milk to little chil- 
dren. We had dispatched three of the 
ablest and most experienced emergency 
workers in the world on a tour of Italy 
with 500,000 lire ($100,000) in small bank 
notes, to give immediate aid where it was 
needed. We had arranged for refugee 
colonies of workers to be transported with 
their tools and equipment, so that as soon 
as they were located they could become self- 
supporting. We had forty-six freight car- 
loads of food and supplies on their way 
from France. We had our first unit of 
motor ambulances on the road from Paris 
to Milan with drivers experienced at the 
French front." In one way or another the 
Society was already administering relief 
from fourteen different Italian centers. In 
helping the Red Cross we help humanity. 

Home Service 

The splendid service rendered by the Red 
Cross in the war zone is paralleled at home 
by its less spectacular but equally impor- 
tant Home Service through which it ex- 
tends its ministry of practical helpfulness 
to countless communities in every part of 
the United States. From the first the Gov- 
ernment has sought to prevent the multi- 
plication of dependents at home by calling 
to the colors only men having no families 
to support. Married men, however, have 
volunteered, and in many cases a son has 
gone who formerly aided in the support of 
a widowed mother or younger brothers and 
sisters. There are, therefore, an increas- 
ing number of dependent individuals and 
families that are ill prepared to meet emer- 
gencies resulting from accident, illness, or 
inadequate support. It is through the 
home-service department of the Red Cross 



26 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



that aid is extended systematically and 
promptly in such cases. 

The service of the Red Cross in the war 
zone consists largely in relieving the re- 
sults of destruction. Its work of rehabili- 
tation in France, Belgium, and Italy and 
its Home Service in the United States aim 
to strengthen and improve the welfare con- 
ditions of the civilian population. Both 
lines of service are of the utmost import- 
ance and demand the liberal and continued 
support of the American people. There is 
urgent need for a largely increased force 
of trained nurses, relief and home service 
workers, offering an opportunity for patri- 
otic service to women who are qualified or 
who are willing to make the necessary prep- 
aration and sacrifice. 

Armenia's Special Need 

Missionaries and consular representatives 
arriving from Turkey, the Caucasus, and 
Syria confirm all previous reports regard- 
ing the dire need of Armenia and adjacent 
countries in which the Christian population 
has been subjected to massacre and depor- 
tation by the Turks. 

Last autumn the total number of desti- 
tute people in Asia Minor, Syria (includ- 
ing Palestine), the Caucasus, and Persia 
was 2,140,000, including 400,000 orphans. 
This number has since been increased. 
These are Christians who had been sched- 
uled for annihilation by the government, 
but who thus far have been kept alive 
partly through the charity of their Moslem 
neighbors, but more largely by means of 
gifts sent through neutral consuls and mis- 
sionaries. They are still accessible to help 
from America. 

The cost of living under war conditions 
averages not less than five dollars per per- 
son per month. The Christmas gift to 
Armenia from American Sunday schools 
and churches has actually saved many 
thousands of lives. But this is a work that 
of necessity must extend through many 
months and perhaps through years. The 
Red Cross is giving substantial assistance; 
but thus far its funds do not permit the 



taking over of the entire work, which thus 
is dependent upon special gifts. 

The Red and the Blue Triangles 

The work of the Red Cross would be in- 
complete without that of the Christian As- 
sociations, with their distinctively Chris- 
tian ministry to the physical, moral, and 
religious needs of the men at the front and 
in the training camps. 

It was a young man named Joseph 
Callan who began Y. M. C. A. army work 
in France. He had had his first experience 
with soldiers when as a Y. M. C. A. Secre- 
tary in India, he erected a tent for reli- 
gious meetings, lectures, concerts, and mov- 
ing pictures, and directed athletic activ- 
ities at a British camp. So successful was 
his effort that the army canteen, which 
had formerly been the gathering place of 
the men, was unable to continue its busi- 
ness and had to haul away its unsold liquor. 
The government soon recognized the value 
of this form of Y. M. C. A. work, assumed 
the expense, and asked that it be inaugu- 
rated in every British camp in India. When 
the native Indian army was about to sail 
for France the Y. M. C. A. army depart- 
ment was given permission to open work 
among the 25,000 men gathered at the port 
ready for embarkation. It was the first work 
of the kind ever done among the Indian sol- 
diers, but it proved so successful that the 
secretaries were asked to accompany the 
troops on the long sea voyage. Arriving in 
France the twelve secretaries then obtained 
permission from the commander in chief 
to continue their work with these troops. 
From the camp of the Indian soldiers the 
work spread to the British and French base 
and the convalescent camps until to-day it 
is a recognized asset of the fighting forces 
of the Allies. Already in each American 
training camp in France stand the tents 
or the "huts" with the sign "American 
Y. M. C. A." The Red Triangle now hangs 
above more than seven hundred British, 
French, and American association centers 
on the western battle front. Hundreds of 
men, many of them distinguished as 
preachers, missionaries, and university pro- 



MAESHALING THE FOECES OF PATEIOTISM 



27 



fessors, are giving themselves in this effort 
to serve the spiritual, moral, intellectual, 
and physical needs of the men. The typ- 
ical "hut" now being constructed at Amer- 
ican Y. M. C. A. centers contains eight 
rooms, or departments. These include the 
social hall with tables for games and a 
counter where tea, coffee, hot chocolate, 
bread, cake, soap, buttons, etc., may be pur- 
chased; the writing room with note paper 
provided; the reading room with news- 
papers and a circulating library; lecture 
and class rooms; and a quiet room where 
talking and writing are not permitted, but 
where Bible classes and group prayer meet- 
ings are held and where men may come for 
private prayer and meditation. When it is 
desired, however, the partitions separating 
the various rooms may be raised and the 
whole building becomes a large audience 
hall accommodating as many as two thou- 
sand men. 

The need for such centers for the Amer- 
ican troops is apparent when we remember 
that those who compose our army in France 
are young men from college, from the farm, 
or from occupations allowing time for out- 
of-door sports and activities. Here they 
are shut up in camp through the entire 
winter with nothing to occupy the long 
evenings; and frequently the only place of 
amusement in the village is the drinking 
hall. Not only has the Y. M. C. A. pro- 
vided for the comfort and wellbeing of the 
men while in camp but realizing the spe- 
cial dangers to which they will be sub- 
jected when they go on leave, it has 
equipped for them in the cities of London 
and Paris attractive homelike quarters 
comparable to modern clubs. It has also 
planned resorts in the French Alps where 
our soldiers may find mental and physical 
recreation in athletic sports, mountain 
climbing, etc. In one such resort the As- 
sociation has taken over the best hotel, 
making of it a social center for the whole 
camp. The secretaries will be assisted in 
this effort by a group of American and 
Canadian ladies. 

Activities similar to those described are 
being carried on at the training camps in 



our own country, while the Y. W. C. A. has 
assisted through its "hostess houses" which 
are the headquarters at the cantonments 
for the wives and friends of the soldiers. 
The Y. W. C. A. is also rendering valuable 
service to the young women who have in 
large numbers entered the government em- 
ploy as secretarial and industrial workers. 
By providing inexpensive comforts and op- 
portunities for recreation and self-im- 
provement, they have thrown about the girls 
a wall of protection, and at the same time 
increased their efficiency. Such patriotic 
service deserves our active cooperation, as 
well as our moral and financial support. 

The War Work of the Churches 

All works of. mercy and help are a part 
of the work of the Christian churches. 
Their responsibility for activities such as 
those under the auspices of the Red Cross 
and the Christian Associations is commen- 
surate with their understanding of the 
teachings and the example of Jesus, who 
came "not to he ministered unto but to min- 
ister and who gave his life a ransom for 
many." In a very real sense his teachings 
and his example are the source of inspira- 
tion, the motive power, and the spiritual 
dynamic of all such activities. More than 
this, the workers volunteering or drafted 
for religious and welfare service connected 
with the war come largely from the ministry 
and membership of the churches. The Chris- 
tian associations represent the churches co- 
operating together in patriotic service. 
Were the churches of Christ in America 
united instead of divided into many de- 
nominations the organized church itself 
might be the agency conducting all work 
for the religious and moral welfare of 
the young men enlisted in the service of the 
country. 

There is, however, a specific field of serv- 
ice in which no other agency can take the 
place of the churches acting singly or to- 
gether, and in which they are fulfilling a 
most important mission . in the present 
crisis. Thus the number of chaplains for 
the army and navy has been largely in- 
creased. The very best equipped men are 



28 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



being selected for this important service. 

Acting together through the Federal 
Council of Churches, the churches have 
made a very careful survey of the moral 
and religious conditions surrounding the 
military training camps in the United 
States. This survey indicated in each case 
what religious forces are at work both in 
the camp and in immediate proximity to it. 
On the basis of this survey the churches 
have united in strengthening these forces 
by: the appointment of additional camp 
pastors; the remodeling and equipping 
more adequately of existing churches near 
the cantonments; increasing the working 
staffs of these churches, and organizing the 
Christian forces of these communities for 
united and effective work in behalf of the 
social and religious welfare of the enlisted 
men. This work of the churches has re- 
ceived the hearty endorsement and coopera- 
tion of the military authorities and of the 
national government as well as the assist- 
ance of the Christian Associations. 

Through this united service of the 
churches the enlisted men from Christian 
homes have been promptly brought into 
touch with similar influences and been 
given an opportunity to relate themselves 
to the church. To all the enlisted men the 
church has extended the right, hand of fel- 
lowship and has made accessible to them 
the social and religious influences which 
only wholesome church life can furnish. 

At the same time the churches through- 
out the country are natural centers for 



home service activities of the Red Cross 
and for the food conservation efforts in the 
local community. It is through the church 
primarily that the total program of war 
work for the local community, except in 
so far as the government itself is in direct 
control, is made effective. In addition 
there rests upon the church as upon no 
other institution the responsibility of safe- 
guarding the social and religious heritage 
of this generation and of keeping alive the 
spirit and the hope of Christian progress. 
This larger task of the churches will be 
considered in the next chapter. 

FOR SPECIAL STUDY 

1. Point out some ways in which the 
Christian spirit is reflected in war work. 

2. Mention the main activities of the 
Red Cross organization in the war zone. 

3. What responsibilities are intrusted to 
the Red Cross at home? 

4. What is the community in which you 
live doing to support the work of the Red 
Cross? 

5. Has Armenia any special claim on 
American help and generosity? What? 

6. Of how much importance is the work 
of the Red and the Blue Triangles in the 
war zone? 

7. What service is the church rendering 
in this time of special need? 

8. Can you suggest any ways by which 
the war work of the church might be en- 
larged? 



CHAPTER VIII 
SAFEGUARDING CHRISTIAN PROGRESS 



The Task of the Churches 

"God bless all the churches; and blessed 
be God, who in this our great trial giveth 
vis the churches." In these words Presi- 
dent Lincoln in 1864 expressed his deep 
personal gratitude for the patriotic serv- 
ices rendered by the Christian churches 
during the Civil War. In the present even 
greater crisis that has come upon the Amer- 
ican nation, in this new and larger strug- 



gle for human freedom which America is 
waging in common with other democratic 
peoples, the Christian churches have again 
responded wholeheartedly and without re- 
serve to the call of God and of country. 
In the spirit of Christian patriotism they 
are placing their material resources and 
the choicest flower of their manhood and 
womanhood at the disposal of the nation. 
At the same time they are contributing 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



29 



their full share to the home service and 
relief activities which the hour demands. 

But patriotism and war work do not ex- 
haust the responsibilities of the churches. 
The risks the United States has assumed 
in entering the war -are as much of the 
spirit as they are of worldly possessions 
and political safety. We are engaged not 
merely in a military venture but in a spir- 
itual enterprise that demands the main- 
tenance and the strengthening of all the 
moral and spiritual forces of the country. 
This is primarily the task of the churches. 



Maintaining Christian Institutions 

It has been the earnest desire of the 
American people, often expressed with the 
fervency of prayer, that the soldiers who 
represent our nation in the foreign lands 
to which they are sent shall preserve the 
ideals and the high purposes with which 
we entered upon this war. Yet we cannot 
expect this loyalty of them if we ourselves 
are lax in our devotion to these ideals. 
Just here a danger confronts us. Because 
of the many calls for special activities and 
special contributions for relief and for war 
work there may come the temptation to 
neglect the usual channels of service and 
of philanthropy. 

"It's fine to have the churches take so 
much interest in the boys who have en- 
listed," said the father of a boy who wears a 
khaki uniform. "The pastor of our church 
prays every Sunday for the boys who have 
gone out from the church." "And are you 
there to hear and join in that prayer?" 
asked the friend to whom he spoke. "No," 
replied the father, a little embarrassed. "I 
am not very regular in my attendance at 
church." But should not that father and 
all the other members of the family have 
been regularly at church service? Was 
there ever a time when it was more im- 
portant than now that the spiritual life of 
our people be kept strong and glowing? 
What contribution can each of us make 
toward maintaining this life at a high level? 

Nor should we be neglectful of the study 
of the Bible. Usually patriotism is aroused 



in a nation at war by calling forth feelings 
of enmity and revenge. Thus far in the 
present war the American people have been 
actuated by higher and holier motives. We 
are fighting not merely in self-defense, 
though we do fight to defend our rights; 
but we fight also in defense of rights of 
others who have suffered more than we, and 
for the safety of all nations. If we main- 
tain this high purpose, if we preserve poise 
and faith in God, we must know and in a 
measure exemplify before the world the 
principles of our Lord. Let us therefore 
be diligent in the study of the Word and 
in prayer for ourselves, for our soldiers and 
sailors, and for all our people. 

A further real danger lies in the temp- 
tation to withdraw contributions that we 
have been accustomed to make toward cer- 
tain established lines of Christian service 
in order to give toward war work. Do we 
realize just what this may involve? Mis- 
sion schools must be closed if the aid they 
have heretofore received is withdrawn, hos- 
pitals which minister to the poor and un- 
fortunate can no longer be maintained. 
Christian teachers and preachers who have 
gathered about them groups of men and 
women hungry for the bread of life can no 
longer remain at their posts should the sup- 
port of the church be withheld. "You mis- 
sionaries are responsible for the Chinese 
revolution," said the late President Yuan 
Shi Kai to a Christian missionary. "Now 
you must help us through this chaos." 
"Tt is not our business to interfere in polit- 
ical matters, sir," responded the mission- 
ary. "We endeavor to teach men to live as 
Christ taught them." "But," said the 
President, "you teach that God is the 
Father of all men, and that all men are 
therefore brothers. Do you not realize to 
what such teaching leads?" In the face 
of such a challenge can we justify any re- 
trenchment in our missionary enterprise? 

Safeguarding Education 

Since America's entrance into the war 
Mr. P. P! Claxton, United States Commis- 
sioner of Education, has in successive spe- 
cial bulletins appealed to Mothers' Clubs, 



30 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



to Parent-Teachers' Associations, to Labor 
Unions, and to the Christian churches to as- 
sist the Government in maintaining our sys- 
tem of public education at its full measure 
of efficiency during the war. "While the war 
continues," says Mr. Claxton, "there will 
be many unusual temptations for parents 
and guardians of children to keep their 
children out of school, and there will be 
many difficulties in the way of maintain- 
ing schools at their full measure of effi- 
ciency. On the other hand, it is of the very 
greatest importance that the efficiency of 
the schools shall be maintained in every 
way and that there shall be no falling off 
in attendance. This is necessary both for 
the present defense of the country and for 
its welfare and safety when the war is over. 
While we are fighting for the maintenance 
of democracy we must do everything to 
make the democracy strong and efficient." 

Trustworthy reports from Great Britain 
and France register the rapid increase of 
juvenile delinquency in these countries 
since the war began. Nothing can prevent 
a similar development in America except 
the intelligent and prompt cooperation of 
social and religious agencies with parents 
and school authorities in a determined 
effort to counteract the disintegrating in- 
fluences resulting from the war and which 
are directly responsible for the partial fail- 
ure of parental and social discipline with 
children. 

Juvenile delinquency arises partly from 
neglect of the children or too great indul- 
gence due to the broken home circles from 
which father or older brother has departed, 
from increased burdens and longer hours 
of toil to which parents may be subjected, 
and from the brutalizing influence of war- 
talk that is not chastened by the spirit of 
Christian idealism so fundamental to 
America's whole participation in the war. 
The churches can help materially in this 
matter by exercising a benevolent pastoral 
oversight over all the children within the 
bounds of the community and by aiding 
the home in maintaining its discipline and 
its restraining and guiding influence over 
children. It can aid further by increasing 



its social and religious ministration to 
childhood and youth by providing whole- 
some recreation and opportunity for profit- 
able free-time activities under proper super- 
vision. 

Among young people, especially among 
boys of high school and early college ages, 
one may expect to find an increasing rest- 
iveness and desire to leave school and pre- 
maturely enter some branch of national 
service. This desire is for the most part 
prompted by a fine spirit of patriotism 
which should be recognized, encouraged 
and directed into more immediately useful 
channels. The necessity of adequate pre- 
paration and the opportunity and respon- 
sibility for greater service through trained 
leadership should be plain to all who are 
privileged to secure a high school and col- 
lege education. From France, which in 
every way has already suffered more than 
America can possibly suffer by reason of 
the war, comes this message to the schools 
and colleges of America. "Do not let the 
needs of the hour, however heavily they 
fall upon the men and the women of to-day, 
permit neglect of the defenses of to-mor- 
row." 

Preparing for Christian Leadership 

The immediate tasks of national service, 
war relief and home industry of necessity 
preempt much time and energy of the 
Christian forces of the nation. To the de- 
mands made upon us by the home, the 
neighborhood and the State we shall con- 
tinue to respond, gladly placing our best 
and if need be our all upon the altar of hu- 
man freedom. But eveii as we gird our- 
selves for the immediate task — and it may 
be for the immediate sacrifice — even as we 
enter into the fellowship of suffering with 
our brothers in Europe, it behooves us con- 
stantly to be looking forward to the larger 
service that the forces of Christianity will 
be called upon to render in the period of 
reorganization and reconstruction that 
must follow the titanic struggle and world 
upheaval now in progress. We believe that 
out of this maelstrom of human conflict 
and passion will be born a new world- 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



31 



brotherhood and world-democracy. If this 
democracy is to be worth achieving and 
worth preserving, it must be rooted and 
grounded in the teachings of Jesus. The 
realization of this hope demands a world- 
wide program of Christian advance chal- 
lenging the wisdom and the statesmanship 
of a united Christianity. 

It will be necessary to train a sufficient 
number of Christian teachers and leaders 
to guide the forces of progress and of free- 
dom that shall determine the character of 
the new world order. In the present war 
the officers thus far required to train and 
lead the troops number millions. How 
many leaders will be needed to achieve 
the peaceful conquest of the world for 
Christ ? The number will not be less than 
for the military requirements of the war. 
These potential leaders of the immediate 
future are the boys and girls and young 
people who are to-day in our homes, our 
schools, our churches. Can they be made 
to understand the opportunity and the task 
that is before them? Will they respond? 
In the early days of the Student Volunteer 
Movement it was estimated that 20,000 
college-trained men and women would be 
needed to invest a life time before it would 
be possible to bring the claims of the Chris- 
tian religion to the attention of the whole 
world. What if a million of the high 
school and college students of to-day were 
to consecrate their lives to the work of 
Christian teaching and to Christian lead- 
ership in the world's industry, commerce, 
science, and education? The possibilities 
and the issues at stake measure the present 
responsibility of the young people of to- 
day for making the necessary preparation. 
They measure also the duty of the Chris- 
tian churches in regard to the nurture and 
training of the present generation. 

Extending the Rule of Christ 

The world to-day is a shaken world whose 
political, social, and religious foundations 
are rapidly shifting. It is a world heavily 
burdened with debt. The annual interest 
on the combined debts of the warring na- 
tions already exceeds the normal annual 



income of these nations in time of peace. 
And these debts are still increasing to be 
shouldered after the war by impoverished 
peoples and their posterity for several gen- 
erations. It is a world bowed in suffering 
and in sorrow with scarcely an unbroken 
home circle in any of a dozen nations, and 
yet a world revealing unexpected strength 
of endurance, power of recuperation, and 
maiwelous new capacities unrealized and 
undreamt of before. And it is a world in 
revolution against every form of autocratic 
rule and power, teachable, inquiring, and 
responsive, waiting for leadership, with its 
face set toward the sunrise of a new day 
of hope and opportunity. 

Such a world demands an educated 
Christian leadership if the rule of Christ 
and the practice of Christian brotherhood 
are to be extended to the ends of the earth. 
There is need for Christian leadership and 
for Christian education at our very doors, 
in our strife-ridden sister republic, Mexico, 
as well as in other Latin countries to the 
south; for here to-day a fine spirit of de- 
mocracy is shaking off the fetters of a de- 
cadent and benighted religious autocracy 
and reaching out for the higher moral and 
spiritual standards of democratic Chris- 
tianity. Africa, too, needs Christian lead- 
ership if Mohammedanism is not to suc- 
ceed in firmly establishing its rule there 
within a generation. And the lands of the 
far Orient, now plastic after centuries of 
closed doors and unchanging forms, ex- 
tend a welcome to Christian leaders willing 
to aid in the work of modernization and 
democratization in which these lands are 
now engaged. And in the days of recon- 
struction that must follow the war, there 
will be need for trained Christian leader- 
ship in Europe, for Russia, France, Italy, 
the Balkan states, and even the Central 
Empires seem to be shot through with a 
hunger for a new and higher form of life 
and human government. 

"Old things," says John R. Mott, "are 
passing away. All things may become 
new; not as a result of magic, not because 
of chance, not because of the war, but be- 
cause throughout the Christian churches 



32 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



there shall be sufficient leadership to take 
hold of these nations ... to lead them 
out into the new and better age." 

FOR SPECIAL STUDY 

1. Does the coming of war increase or 
decrease the work of the churches and other 
moral institutions at home? 

2. Is it right to put increased effort and 
money into our educational work at a time 



when money is so urgently needed for mili- 
tary work? 

3. Should boys and girls stay a longer or 
a shorter time in school under the present 
conditions than they ordinarily would ? 

4. Point out some ways in which we can 
now prepare for service after the war. 

5. Are there any special opportunities 
and obligations for missionary work at this 
time ? 



CHAPTER IX 
THE WORLD IN THE MAKING 



Looking Forward 

One of the great services rendered by 
Professor Henri Bergson's brilliant book 
"Creative Evolution" was the reminder 
which it brought to people everywhere that 
the world is not finished. It is still in the 
making. The vital forces are not ex- 
hausted. They have infinite resiliency and 
energy, and they are to express themselves 
in a thousand wonderful ways. There is 
still the push of a great initiative. There is 
still promise of creative activity. With 
the power t)f eternal youth life itself goes 
about its ever new, ever transforming task. 
We are not asked to attend the funeral of 
the world. We are at the birth of greater 
days. The world is yet in the making. 

In the midst of the confusion and trag- 
edies of world-wide war, we are to keep our 
poise and our perspective by remembering 
that all this destruction is on the way to 
construction, that all this devastation is a 
prelude to the upbuilding of a greater and 
nobler world. • 

Alfred Eugene Casalis, that young 
French soldier and Christian, whose letters 
have kept the pure fires burning in many 
a heart, a short time before he was killed 
in battle, wrote: "More and more in the 
face of those who have struggled and who 
ar< dead, in the presence of the immense 
effort which has been made, I think of the 
France which is to come, of the divine 
France which must be. I could not fight if 
i did not hope in the birth of that France 
for which it will have been worth while to 



kill and to be killed." And again still 
nearer the time of his death he wrote, "I 
have confidence that our cause is just and 
good, and that we have the right on our 
side. But it is necessary that this war 
should be fruitful, and that from all these 
deaths a new life should spring forth for 
humanity." 

This idea which was the inspiration of 
the chivalrous French soldier must glow 
before us all. It must be light in the eyes 
of the fathers and mothers who send the 
boys forth. It must be in the hearts of the 
fighting men who gird themselves for the 
stern and terrible task. It must be in the 
minds and it must control the wills of the 
statesmen who shape the policies which will 
establish the life of the world in its rela- 
tionships after the war is over. 

The Hope That Gives Power 

Now let us survey this golden vision of 
the coming world which is to arouse our 
devotion and to command our complete loy- 
alty. Like the New Jerusalem in the book 
of Revelation it is to be brought down out 
of Heaven, it -is to be taken from the realm 
of the invisible ideal and made tangible 
and concrete and real. And the men and 
women alive in the world, pushed by the 
compulsion of God's active presence, are 
to do this great thing. For God himself 
is the source of those vital energies which 
are to be dominant in the making of the 
world. Pressing through the will of the 
people as expressed in the electorate, mov- 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



33 



ing through the policies sought by states- 
men, rising from the agony of fields of 
battle, these ideals of the necessities of the 
new day are taking possession of the world. 
What do they involve and what will be the 
characteristics of the world which is in the 
making ? 

A New Unity 

In the first place it will be one world. 
The strange and lonely isolations which 
separate men and nations are all the while 
being broken down more completely. Prac- 
tical science has already done much to pro- 
duce this unity. If time and space have 
not been abolished, their significance has 
been greatly decreased. It will never be 
possible for men to be so far from each 
other again. Dr. Fosdick in that earnest, 
friendly, human book, "The Challenge of 
the Present Crisis," tells of a message 
which left Oyster Bay and traveled all 
around the world and back to Oyster Bay 
again in a few minutes. The tick of the 
instrument which sent out the message 
had scarcely ceased when the tick of the 
instrument bearing it back from its long, 
far journey began to sound. It was a 
symbol of the day when you cannot separ- 
ate one group more than a few minutes 
from another in all the world. 

The war itself is deepening this sense 
of unity and oneness, for more and more 
the war is assuming the form of a world- 
wide organization to defeat the remorseless 
and brutal plans of one nation, whose am- 
bition has made it mad. Nine-tenths of 
the people of the world t are united in the 
vast endeavor to save the tottering world 
from ruin. The necessities of the war 
make this union of the allied forces con- 
stantly more real, more definite and more 
effective in its t organization. The world 
will not fall apart into the old separateness 
again. Knit together for war it will re- 
main united for the large and productive 
purposes of peace. This does not mean the 
doing away with nations. It does mean 
that in many far-reaching matters the na- 
tions will function in the world-wide soli- 
darity of a powerful federation. Cross pur- 



poses are too expensive. An organized 
cooperation will bring about the largest 
good to each individual nation. The effi- 
ciency in destruction for which the allies 
have joined will lead to an efficiency in 
construction in a larger group of allies 
which will include all the nations of the 
world. So the world will become one world 
in a sense unknown before. 

The Triumph of Democracy 

But that unity will not be built about 
the hard and remorseless will of one auto- 
cratic power. It will be built about the 
will to unity of all the peoples of the world. 
The ancient empires had autocratic unity. 
The Middle Ages dreamed of unity but did 
not achieve it. The modern world has had 
nationality without unity. Germany has 
dreamed of restoring unity by bending the 
will of the peoples under its powerful yoke. 
But the world has moved too far for that. 
It will have unity. But it will keep de- 
mocracy. Its unity will be the expression 
of the popular will. It will not be the de- 
feat of the popular will. 

In the second place the new world will 
be an orderly world. In the last few years 
the hard won sanctions of international 
orderliness have been contemptuously 
thrust aside by a power whose only stand- 
ard was effectiveness and whose only prin- 
ciple was success. It has been a strange 
world in which the pacifists were crying 
for peace at any price, and the German 
Empire was crying for success at any price. 
And by the cruel irony of fate the pacifists 
were playing right into the hands of the 
Germans. There was a time of confusion. 
There was a .time of bewilderment. But 
after all the issue only needed to be stated 
clearly and honestly and without the eva- 
sion of deft verbal shifting of meanings, 
and the situation became clear. 

The conscience of the world unhesitat- 
ingly condemned the success-at-any-price 
program. And the sanity of the world con- 
demned the peace-at-any-price propaganda. 
The great sanctions of international order- 
liness must be preserved. They must be 
preserved if men have to fight for them. 



34 



MARSHALINGT THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



They are more valuable than life. They 
are more valuable than comfort. They are 
more profoundly necessary to the welfare 
of the race than any peace which can be 
secured without them. And they will be 
conserved in that world-structure which 
follows the war. The seas will be made 
safe highways. The skies will carry 
argosies for the unhindered and peaceful 
pursuits of trade. The law of interna- 
tional relationships will be accepted as 
binding upon all mankind.. It will pre- 
vent strong nations from exploiting weak 
nations. It will give the emerging races 
the benefit of the experience of the achiev- 
ing races without making them their slaves. 
It will be a structure where liberty is se- 
cured by law, and where freedom is built 
upon foundations of solid and immovable 
strength. 

When the French Mission was received 
in New York City in the Spring of 1917 
across Washington Arch at the foot of Fifth 
Avenue were hung the words of President 
Wilson, "The World must be made safe 
for Democracy." Then as now they were 
summoning and gripping words. Then as 
now they caused the heart to beat faster, 
and the eager blood to mantle the cheek. 
They were true words. And they crystal- 
lized into a phrase the quality of a nation's 
purpose. These very words may be com- 
bined in another way which expresses a far- 
reaching and tremendously significant 
truth in respect of the world in the process 
of making. And this is the third thing we 
want to say about this new structure. The 
world must be democratic in order to be 
safe. Therefore the world in the process 
of making is to be a democratic world. 

An autocracy always has the seed of de- 
cay in it. The very processes by which it 
lives will bring about its ultimate extinc- 
tion. Had the deep laid plot of the Kaiser 
been successful, had all the world been 
forced to bend the knee to the steel struc- 
ture of Prussian organization, had the 
voices of liberty and the exponents of lib- 
erty been crushed with a power as success- 
ful as it has proved itself to be remorse- 
less, that would not have been the last 



chapter. It would have been the first 
chapter. And some later historian would 
have written the tale of the decay and dis- 
integration of the Prussian Empire. Only 
liberty is constructive. Only freedom has 
the seed of life in it. Only a government 
based upon enlightened and controlling 
public opinion possesses secrets of vital 
renewal from age to age. An autocracy is 
superficially successful while decay is eat- 
ing away at its heart. Democracy on the 
surface is often restless and there is much 
froth and stress. But the heart of it is 
sound. And it is perpetually setting free 
forces which make for its enlargement, its 
improvement, and its perpetuity. 

Democracy in Government 

The world in the making will be a polit- 
ical 'democracy. It will be a federation of 
nations where every nation builds its fabric 
upon the will of the people. This does not 
mean that every nation will have the same 
form of expressing its political freedom. 
If a nation wishes to retain a man who 
wears the title of king, as a pleasant and 
interesting and symbolically significant ex- 
pression of the unity of the state, there is 
no particular objection to this so long as he 
has no power to prevent the execution of 
the popular will. It is the essence of polit- 
ical democracy which counts. And in that 
regard England is in some respects now 
more completely a democracy than the 
United States. 

If a nation wishes to have a president 
lifted above party clamor, the type and 
symbol of the stately solemn sanctions of 
national unity, and a premier to be the 
party leader, and to put the principles of 
the victorious party into practice, as in 
France, there is no particular objection to 
this, so long as the will of the people is 
kept clearly and emphatically in command. 

If a nation wishes the president to be 
himself the responsible party leader as well 
as the symbol of the nation's authority, as 
in the United States, he may have a task of 
tremendous difficulty. But if that means 
a leadership for which the people will hold 
him solemnly responsible and for which 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



35 



he must answer to the people, it may be a 
part of a truly functioning democracy. The 
essential matter is this. The governments 
of the future will not exist to thwart the 
popular will. They will not exist to crush 
the people. 

They will not exist to evade the people. 

They will not exist to deceive the people. 

They will not exist to exploit the people. 

They will be the servants of the people, 
bowing in complete submission to the 
people's will. 

Provision for Stability 

To be sure we must make a distinction 
between the people's will and the people's 
mood. Governments must be saved from 
sudden gusts of popular passion. Methods 
must be found by which there is time for 
sober second thought. The conviction of 
the people must be expressed in legislation 
and in all the governmental activity. But 
the people must find methods by which they 
shall be saved from the whims of the pass- 
ing hour. The democracy of the future 
will not be a weather-cock changing with 
every turn of the wind. It will be the solid 
and strong expression of the mature sense 
of the people and the popular mind will at- 
tain the self-control which is glad to have 
its government stable rather than volatile 
and undependable ; steady and surefooted 
rather than rapid-climbing and careless. 
Democracy is the reign of the people's 
second thought. 

A New Industrial World 

Then the world in the making will be an 
industrial democracy. We will never go 
back to the old ineffective haphazard days 
of industrial hit-or-miss again. Develop- 
ments in our own country have illustrated 
how necessary it has become for the coun- 
try to organize industrially in order to win 
in the great military campaign. The con- 
trol of food, the control of fuel, and the 
control of transportation have become im- 
perative for the prosecution of a success- 
ful war. The effective organization of 
those of the nation's resources which are 
vitally connected with life and health will 



be seen to be imperative for the mainte- 
nance of a successful peace. We cannot 
afford such devastating lack of organiza- 
tion as permits little children to go hungry 
and poorly clad and without fair and gen- 
uine opportunities. We cannot afford such 
devastating lack of organization as per- 
mits unsanitary conditions and a type of 
life which is suicidal to itself and a danger 
to the whole community. We will never go 
back to the unorganized days again. The 
industry of the country will effect an or- 
ganization which places the necessities of 
life and health under an administration 
for the common good. This does not mean 
that we will become socialists. It does not 
mean that we will make so subtly articu- 
lated a world that individual initiative and 
brilliant individual achievement and suc- 
cess will become impossible. There will al- 
ways be industrial mountains to climb. 
There will always be industrial heights to 
scale. But the great realm of fascinating- 
individual adventure will be kept outside 
the region of food and clothing and the 
fundamental necessities of life. These 
things will be organized under effective 
supervision for the whole people through 
the legislative action of the whole people. 
There will be private property. There 
will be every encouragement for individual 
enterprise. But the nation itself will see 
to it that the fundamental necessities of 
life are not made subject to industrial and 
commercial adventure. 

Provision for Public Safety 

In order to secure the common good this 
industrial organization must be supple- 
mented by certain measures which save 
the race from physical and ethical disinte- 
gration. All scientific students of life will 
recognize that democracy is not affronted 
by a refusal to allow a man to keep a small- 
pox patient where he endangers the health 
of the community. Democracy does not 
mean the selfish right to disintegrate the 
race. And no full functioning of the body 
of national life is possible without the ex- 
ercise of the people's will to abolish those 
things which tear apart the fiber of human 



36 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OP PATRIOTISM 



life. The Harrison drug legislation is an 
illustration of a measure which will save 
the nation from untold loss of that fiber 
out of which the stuff of functioning de- 
mocracy is made. A dope fiend is not a 
good man upon whose shoulders to rest the 
governmental fabric. The legislation 
which will abolish the traffic in intoxicating 
drinks will be another step on the way of 
making possible an efficient democracy. A 
drunkard is the contradiction of the essen- 
tial meaning of good citizenship. The 
traffic which creates him must be abolished. 
The people have a right to will out of ex- 
istence that which threatens the very life 
of the body politic. 

The freedom to poison the national life 
is the contradictive of the spirit essential 
to the new age. The freedom to crush the 
forces which threaten national character is 
as essential to the future of the world as 
the freedom to crush that military auto- 
cracy which would subvert the character 
of the world. 

The Best for Each and All 

Then the organization of the new world 
will be an organization which keeps two 
ends in view. It will all the while be work- 
ing for the best good of the largest num- 
ber. It will all the while be working for 
the fullest life for every individual man. 
It will be organization to develop person- 
ality. It will not be organization to crush 
personality. 

So it will come to pass that a fresh strong 



world emerges. It will have the unity and 
the orderliness of observance of law. It 
will be a political democracy basing all its 
activities upon the will of the people or- 
ganized into separate nations, but federated 
for the securing of the great ends of inter- 
national safety and justice. It will be an 
industrial democracy organized for the de- 
velopment of the life of all. This organiza- 
tion will bring the most far-reaching bene- 
fits to all. And it will bring them in such 
a fashion as to develop the individual and 
encourage initiative and enterprise over 
all the world. The war is helping to pre- 
pare the way for this new organization of 
the world. Men of good will the world 
over must bring it to pass. 

FOR SPECIAL STUDY 

1. What justification have we for looking 
forward to better things after the war? 

2. Indicate some ways in which the world 
is becoming more thoroughly one than it 
was before. 

3. State your reasons for holding that 
the world must become democratic. 

4. State in its simplest terms your under- 
standing of the meaning of the word de- 
mocracy. 

5. In what ways can democracy be kept 
from being unsteady and unreliable? 

6. What effects do you think the war will 
have on the world of industry? 

7. What are some things that must be 
done after the war to secure the fullest life 
for every individual? 



CHAPTER X 
THE WAR AGAINST WAR 



The Evil of War 

A brilliant pacifist was once making an 
address before a great audience. He had 
wonderful resources of swinging graphic 
utterance, and his swiftly turned phrases 
gleamed and glittered and then penetrated 
the minds of his hearers with swift power. 
Now he was summing up his argument: 

"War," he said, "is worse than any of 



the things men ever fight about. _ou can- 
not afford to make men beasts for the sake 
of any cause. The horrors of the best war 
are more terrible than the horrors of the 
worst peace. War is always a process of 
reasoning in a circle on a grand scale. 
Wars never accomplish anything. Men 
fight until they are exhausted and then 
they fight again. When they are utterly 



MARSHALING THE FOECES OF PATRIOTISM 



37 



weary reason comes in and gets some 
things settled. It might as well have done 
the same without the fighting. War takes 
fine young men and turns them into brutes. 
It spreads moral devastation over the 
world. It cuts the nerve of freedom and 
makes men so accustomed to submit to 
authority that they are incapable of think- 
ing for themselves. It is the eternal ally 
of tyranny. It is the eternal foe of liberty. 
Civilization's most dangerous enemy is that 
frightful, all devouring monster, WAR." 

The speaker sat down amid a burst of 
cheers. He seemed to have swept the whole 
audience on the tide of his impetuous 
powerfully phrased eloquence. 

An open discussion was to follow the ad- 
dress. In the moment of quiet after the 
applause a solidly built man, with a firm 
strong face and eyes which gleamed with a 
steady deep light, was seen moving toward 
the platform. A low sound ran through the 
audience as a name was carried from lip to 
lip which stood for so much distinction and 
genuine character that its bearer was sure 
of a hearing anywhere. 

"Mr. Chairman," spoke a voice of clear 
and far carrying power. A hearty recog- 
nition followed, and the audience bent for- 
ward to see what words would come from a 
man whose voice was known in the whole 
city as a vehicle for clear thinking and for 
poised yet passionate utterance. He was 
standing well to the front of the platform 
now and his very form seemed alive with 
controlled power. 

"We have listened to-night to a remark- 
able utterance," he began. "Only a mind of 
extraordinary deftness and energy, only a 
tongue of brilliant velocity could have cap- 
tured us as we have been captured to-night. 
The opponent of swords has wielded a 
bright flashing weapon to-night, and I have 
no doubt that many of us feel that he has 
done deadly execution." 

He paused a moment and the audience, 
scenting the quality of battle in his speech, 
bent more eagerly forward. He went on : 

"Of course in such a matter we must 
appeal to history. Rhetoric must submit 
to the hard test of facts. Glowing gener- 



alizations must meet and face the expe- 
rience of the human race and stand or fall 
before the bar of that experience. What 
are the facts? 

More Terrible Than War 

"Civilization has been paid for not in 
cash but in blood. When the dawning 
vision of order controlled a stronger hand 
than that wielded by primitive barbarity, 
the first victory of law was won and govern- 
ment began. Throughout history govern- 
ment has been the scientific application of 
force for the restraining of lawlessness. 
Century after century it has been active 
force. Sometimes it has been potential 
force. But force there has always been at 
the basis of the achieved orderliness of the 
world. 

"There has been only one way to build 
up nations. That has been by an appli- 
cation of force stronger than anarchy. 
Every fair flower of civilization blooms be- 
cause age after age men have been willing 
to fight, and age after age men have been 
willing to die. 

"And government once made effective, 
it has continued to be safe from foes with- 
out and foes within only because it had 
ample resources of force at its command. 
In the two centuries of Roman peace, be- 
yond the river walls of the Danube and the 
Rhine there was always a great human 
wall. Babies were born in peace. Women 
went about their work in safety," the whole 
structure of civilization was built into 
more splendid form because of the great 
human wall which stood between orderly 
life and the deluge. When the human wall 
grew weak in the latter part of the fourth 
and the fifth centuries, the barbarians broke 
through and the dark ages followed. 

"Then Christianity began to organize the 
world into some semblance of order. And 
in the seventh and eighth centuries Moham- 
medan soldiers full of fierce valor burst 
upon the world. 

"What if Constantinople had not re- 
sisted? What if Charles Martel had not 
withstood Mohammedan soldiers at the 
battle of Tours in 732 A. D.? In that case 



38 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



you might be reading the Koran to-day. 
In that case there might be harems in our 
city instead of Christian homes! 

"When once and again the Turks burst 
upon Europe, was it an idle thing that 
Europe effectively resisted? Was it a 
meaningless event when the Invincible 
Armada, the messenger of a dangerous 
type of civilization, hot with ambition to 
rule the world, was defeated by the sailors 
of Elizabeth? Was it an idle thing when 
allied nations resisted the ambition of Louis 
XIV at the point of the sword? Was it 
a meaningless thing when England kept 
up the long resistance to Napoleon until 
finally it placed him in Saint Helena ? Was 
it an idle thing when our own forefathers 
of '76 resisted English oppression and 
carved this Republic with their swords? 
Was it an idle thing when the unity of the 
nation was saved in the sixties, by men who 
cared more for the perpetuity of the Union 
than for their own lives? Is modern civil- 
ization worth so little, is our own nation 
of such small significance, that we may 
cast them idly aside? In truth nothing 
which we value, nothing which we prize, 
comes to us without the mark of the blood 
of those who died that we might possess it. 
War is a terrible thing. But a more ter- 
rible thing is the attitude of the man who 
prizes life more than the things which 
give life value." 

The United States has had some hesita- 
tion about" the whole matter of the use of 
force. There has been a good deal of senti- 
mental and deftly manipulated thinking 
which has refused to face the harder and 
sterner facts of life. But in nineteen 
eighteen, confronted by a power which 
would tear the heart out of civilization 
itself, America has left the realm of com- 
fortable academic discussion and has seen 
that there are times when the only thing a 
self-respecting nation can do is to fight. 

Different Kinds of War 

This does not mean that we want war, or 
love it, or refuse to face its terrible and 
cruel aspects. It does mean that we do 
not want peace without the victory of right- 



eousness. It does mean that we do not put 
peace above the whole fabric of civilization, 
and above the retaining of liberty in the 
world. 

There is a legitimate war against war. 
There is a legitimate goal of world peace. 
And they deserve our careful, and sym- 
pathetic, and understanding consideration. 

As men develop in character and as na- 
tions come to understand the significance 
of the principles upon which all orderly life 
is built certain types of war become in- 
creasingly impossible. Piracy is crushed 
beneath the weight of a public opinion 
which is backed by a greater force than can 
be brought to the support of plundering. 
Idle wars, careless wars, wars of crass and 
cruel exploitation become rarer and rarer, 
because the forces at the disposal of order 
are greater than the forces at the disposal of 
disorder. There comes to be a body of 
opinion backed by the weight of nations 
strong enough to enforce their will against 
such types of peace breaking. And so be- 
cause strong nations demand that the old 
lawlessness upon land and sea shall stop, 
it is discontinued. But we need to see 
quite clearly that this continued series of 
victories in the war against war is itself 
the gift not merely of a noble idealism, but 
of a noble idealism backed by force. 

There are plenty of people in the world 
to-day who would like to be pirates ! There 
are plenty of people in the world to-day 
ready for any sort of atrocity which has 
ever been committed in the world. The 
only way to be safe from the emerging bar- 
barity of this group is to be stronger than 
they are. The only way to keep the world 
safe in spite of them is to make them 
afraid. 

The moment we begin to trust in the 
practical invincibility of the friendly smile, 
we discover that this generous friendliness 
is only potent when it is backed by power. 
There is always enough malignant evil in 
the world to disturb the peace of the world, 
unless it is afraid. 

Here we come to the heart of the whole 
matter. A sheltered academic mind, which 
has never confronted hard and ugly selfish- 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



39 



ness unrestrained by any hesitations, may 
easily indulge in a tender and gracious be- 
lief that all you have to do in the presence 
of evil is to stretch out friendly hands. If 
<the task proves difficult just keep being 
friendly. There is no power in the world 
which could resist an organized and per- 
petual friendliness. 

All this sounds delightfully high minded. 
But when put in practice it suffers swift 
disillusionment. There is nothing which 
delights malignant evil more than the soft 
and tender sentiment which trusts its in- 
herent nobility. Only a man unspeakably 
blind can be confused continually by a view 
which is built upon a fundamental misap- 
prehension as to the facts of human life. 
An able and earnest pacifist entered the 
lists in a struggle with commercialized vice 
in one of our great cities. He came out 
with his pacifism shattered and lying in 
fragments at his feet. He had found that 
there are some remorseless and relentless 
things in the world which can be dealt with 
in only one way. You must crush them. 
They will scorn your tenderness. They 
will laugh at your friendly smiles. They 
will exploit your weakness. To be safe you 
must be strong. And you must be strong 
enough to make them afraid. 

This does not mean that you must be 
using force all the while. But it means 
that you must be able to use it and the 
malignant foe you are opposing must know 
that you are ready to meet him, and that 
you are stronger than he. A policeman 
does not always have to be using his big 
stick. But he does need to be a powerful 
fellow. And he does need to have the big 
stick ready to use. 

Every step in the war against war has 
been taken through the making the forces 
of evil afraid to fight. And the ultimate 
peace will come about when the organized 
forces of good will are so strong, and so 
entirely ready for the fray, that the forces 
of ill-will simply will not dare to attack 
them. 

The Path to Peace 

There is one path to ultimate peace. 



There is one method for the bringing in 
of a day when our splendid boys will not be 
left lying in untimely graves on strange 
far-off battle fields. There is one process 
by which we can prevent the recurrence of 
such a wild and brutal tragedy as that 
which is now drawing blood from the heart 
of the world. That is not by listening to 
words of idle sentiment. That is not by 
accepting a premature peace which con- 
tains the hidden seeds of even more terrible 
wars. That is not by an unsophisticated 
gentleness which offers the tempting ripe 
fruit of our civilization to the lawless pow- 
ers which are only too ready to seize upon 
it. 

Two things are involved in the coming 
world peace. One is the thorough and ef- 
fective defeat of Germany. Not the dis- 
ruption of Germany, not the taking from 
Germany of anything necessary to a true 
and noble and a self-respecting life. But 
such a military defeat of the forces of the 
German autocracy as shall end once and 
for all the dream of a world crushed under 
the heel of the Teuton. A malignant 
growth has come to be within the organism 
of Germany. That malignant growth 
threatens every good thing in Germany it- 
self and it threatens every good thing in 
the life of the world. Because we love hu- 
manity, because we love Germany, the sur- 
gical operation must be performed, and that 
malignant growth must be taken out what- 
ever the cost. There is no possible per- 
manent peace, there is no possible security 
for the world, until this is accomplished. 

A League of Nations 

Then the nations of the world must be 
organized into a federation for the perpet- 
uation of that hard won peace which is to 
come. The nations must organize in such 
obvious, potent and effective and mobilized 
strength that no power will be able to op- 
pose them. The league to enforce peace is 
the only hope for the peace of the world. 
When it is known that the breaker of the 
peace must meet the blazing cannons of a 
prepared and organized world then war will 
vanish from the earth. 



40 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



There will still be people who would like 
to fight. There will still be nations which 
would like to fight. There may even be 
groups of nations which would like to fight. 
But they will be afraid. The risks will be 
too great. And so the organized good will 
of the world can hold the malignant evil 
of the world in check. 

All this will be assisted by building a 
world wide sentiment in its favor. All this 
will rest upon that inner good will which 
Christianity is putting into untold multi- 
tudes of human hearts. All this will be 
the triumph of a shining idealism which is 
ready to go to great lengths to save the 
world from war. But this fine and gra- 
cious enthusiasm, this gracious and lovely 
idealism will be able to point to definite 
facts as well as to beautiful sentiments. It 
will be supported by a force which no folly 
will be wild enough to oppose. It will fed- 
erate the armies and the navies of the world 
for the prevention of war. 

Within this wall of world wide strength, 
mobilized to maintain the peace, civiliza- 
tion will flourish. Now friendly smiles 
may do their work. Now the gospel of the 
outstretched hand may be brought to men. 
Love may go forth to minister in a thou- 
sand friendly ways. In the world of order, 



the world-fortress of international strength 
may come to have vines hanging all over 
it, and beautiful and fragrant flowers may 
bloom perpetually upon its towers. It may 
become a thing of beauty and a joy forever. 
But underneath the beauty, back of the 
tenderness, will be a mighty strength which 
the hosts of evil will so deeply fear that 
they will not break the peace of the world. 
God himself would not be safe if he were 
not stronger than the worst evil which the 
world can produce. 



FOR SPECIAL STUDY 

1. Make a list of the evils that come with 
war. 

2. Mention some of the really valuable 
things that have been won by force of arms. 

3. What was there to prevent the accom- 
plishment of these ends by means other 
than war? 

4. Is war always the same or are there 
different kinds of war? 

5. What prospect do you see for the com- 
ing of permanent world peace? 

G. What are some of the things that must 
be done before world peace is obtained? 

7. What part will Christianity have in 
the establishment of permanent peace? 



CHAPTER XI 
THE FIGHT WHICH IS WORTHY THE GOAL 



How Shall We Fight? 

The football season was over in a 
certain college. The Christmas holidays 
had come and gone. The boys were on 
their way back to school. The captain of 
the team met one of the ends fifty miles 
from the college town and the two rode to- 
gether talking of a score of things of com- 
mon interest. Once and again the captain 
noticed a curiously sober expression on the 
face of his friend. At last he said, "Come 
along, old fellow, and tell me what's the 
matter. Your face looks solemn even when 
you laugh." 

There was a moment of silence, then 
the other replied, "It's Thornton. By the 



most curious turn of events I have come 
across indisputable evidence that he fouled 
in that game with Coburn College where 
the championship was at stake. And what 
he did enabled us to win the game." The 
face of the captain turned white. "But 
didn't anybody see him?" he asked, "and 
why didn't somebody raise a howl? Be- 
sides, how can you possibly know what no- 
body else knows?" The end replied quietly, 
"It's this way. Of course Thornton would- 
n't tell any of us. But he lives in the city 
near my home. Well, one night last week 
I was sitting in an alcove in a little res- 
taurant there. I heard Thornton's voice 
right around the corner where he hadn't 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



41 



seen me. I was about to speak when some- 
thing held me back. Thornton was with a 
queer looking pal of his. He had been 
drinking, and he was boasting of how he 
put it over on the Coburn men and all of 
us." 

The captain and the end talked over the 
details of the matter with much fullness. 
Then the captain said, "Well, that spoils 
the game and the season. What's the use 
of winning if you haven't played fair?" 

The larger issues of life involve the same 
moral principles and make the same de- 
mands as the world of sport. There is more 
involved than playing. There is more in- 
volved than winning. It is necessary to 
play fair. The fight must be worthy of the 
goal. 

In this chapter we are to consider that 
manner of waging war which is worthy of 
a great cause. A number of groups are 
concerned in this matter. Let us think of 
them one by one. 

Public Opinion 

In the first place there is the relation of 
the general public to the war which is be- 
ing waged. In a country with over a hun- 
dred million inhabitants only a few mil- 
lions will actually be engaged in fighting 
even if the war is a long one. But the 
ninety or ninety-five or ninety-eight mil- 
lions who do no fighting will be profoundly 
related to the waging of the war. What 
they think about it, what they say about 
it, and what they do about it will influence 
most effectively the fashion in .which the 
war is carried on. There is a type of mind 
found here and there in America which 
seems to have what almost amounts to a 
genius for losing sight of the essential and 
emphasizing the incidental. The matters 
of outstanding importance are forgotten 
while petty matters are discussed with 
much energy and heat. This type of mind 
gets in the way of an efficient carrying on 
of the great project. And when it be- 
comes a mind which loses sight of the big 
purpose of the war and delights to find 
things to criticize it becomes a positive 
menace. There should be honest criticism. 



There should be a facing of disagreeable 
facts. But the critic should be a man in 
deep and understanding harmony with the 
purpose of the nation in the conflict, and 
the criticism should always be in the light 
of a fair consideration of the difficulties 
which are being faced by those who are 
directly concerned with the carrying on of 
the war. The man who is passively loyal, 
but has no enthusiasm, the man who stands 
by his country, but takes particular pride 
in letting us know how badly things are 
going, is a man who is really making the 
war a harder war to win. There will be 
disillusioning experiences for the nation 
before the conflict is over, there will be 
stern, strong words of criticism which must 
be nobly spoken. But they must come from 
lips whose loyalty is unquestioned, and 
they must be uttered in an enthusiastic de- 
votion to the great cause which is evident 
to all. 

If we lose our vision, if we lose our noble 
passion, if we lose our sense of the great 
thing which is to be done for humanity, the 
conduct of the war will eventually be low- 
ered by the nation's lack of moral and spir- 
itual enthusiasm. The nation must keep 
its soul alive if the war is to be kept noble. 

Real Service 

A large group of people is connected with 
the supplying of the material resources of 
the war. They are not apart from the con- 
flict. They are a part of the conflict. And the 
fashion in which they do their work is an 
important and influential element in the 
way in which the war is waged. Since our 
entrance into the war two kinds of men 
have gone to the nation's Capital. We 
cannot speak too highly of those specially 
equipped men of affairs who at great per- 
sonal sacrifice have given their service to 
the nation in this hour of crisis. Many of 
them are paying for their loyalty in what 
is practically a large cash payment. They 
are suffering definite and substantial loss 
in a financial way in order that they may 
serve the country. Brain power of every 
sort, from the administrative and organiz- 
ing ability of big business men to the spe- 



42 



MARSHALING THE» FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



cialized gifts of university leaders, has been 
offered in splendid loyalty to the nation 
and has already made itself felt in far 
reaching fashion. This is one of the 
noblest aspects of the work connected with 
the waging of the war. 

But another class of men have gone to 
Washington. They are the vultures. They 
are the men who would capitalize the na- 
tion's needs for their personal ends. They 
are the men for whom profit is always a 
bigger word than patriotism. Shrewd, 
keen, endlessly skillful, they would use the 
whole terrible conflict with an eye upon its 
possible cash value for them. Their ac- 
tivities represent one of the most ignoble 
aspects of the conduct of the war. They 
must be watched. They must be scrutin- 
ized. Their sharp bargains must be given 
the most remorseless publicity. They must 
be placed in the light for the scorn of all 
true minded men and women. The alert 
and watchful indignation of the nation 
must eliminate them and their activities 
from the great struggle. 

Not only the makers of contracts, but all 
those involved in the work connected with 
preparing and transporting the material 
resources of the war, are real elements in 
the conflict. If they do their work with a 
constant sense ■ of solemn national service, 
if they keep their vision of the meaning 
of the strife, each one will be making a 
personal contribution to the noble carrying 
on of the war. 

Then there are those leaders who have to 
do with the training of the men in the 
camps, with their service at the front, with 
the strategy, the tactics, and all the vast ac- 
tivities of the war. They are men in au- 
thority. Many of them are men in high 
authority. And they are not forgetting 
that they are officers in a republic and not 
in an absolute monarchy. They are not 
forgetting that they are the skilled repre- 
sentatives of the people in the doing of a 
great and hazardous piece of work. They 
remember .that there is a great moral pur- 
pose in the life of America which they 
must duly and responsibly represent. Men 
in places of great power, they are yet the 



servants of the Republic, and it is the will 
of the Republic that character as well as 
efficiency shall receive consideration in this 
conflict. 

More Important Than Victory 

The Teutonic theory is that only one 
thing is involved. That is the winning of 
the war. Any sort of f rightfulness is justi- 
fied if it can be made part of the great 
machine of military efficiency. One need 
not write the tale of the rape of Belgium, 
the sinking of the Lusitania, the crucifixion 
of Canadian soldiers, the violation of 
homes and all the shameless tale of treach- 
ery to point the moral of this theory of 
war. Already we have learned that there 
are some things an English officer will not 
command. There are some things a French 
officer will not command. There are some 
things an American officer will not com- 
mand. We want to win the war. We are 
going to win the war. But we are not go- 
ing to win it by sacrificing the very ideals 
for which we are fighting. We are not 
going to win it by being false to the very 
principles which we are trying to enthrone 
in the world. Because of their own char- 
acter and because of the character of the 
nation which they represent our officers 
will conduct this war in a fashion in which 
efficiency is divorced from '"frightfulness." 

Of course this does not mean that the 
war is to be a gentle, sentimental affair. 
The business of killing so many of the 
men who are trying to wreck the world 
that those who remain will feel a complete 
collapse in their confidence, and will be 
brought to unqualified surrender, is a stern 
and terrible task. But it does not involve 
the violation of women, and brutal cruelty 
to little children. It does not involve a 
casting aside of everything that makes a 
man a man. Our officers are sent to do 
deadly execution in a terrible strife. And 
they will remain men of character while 
they do their work, men of whose selfcon- 
trol as well as of whose efficiency we will 
have cause to be proud. 

Men That Are Strong 

Now we come to the basic factors in the 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



43 



whole matter of fighting. These are the 
soldiers themselves — the great mass of 
fighting men whom the nation is sending 
forth to cleanse the Augean stables of 
the world. If the fight is to be kept worthy 
of the goal, the fighting men must repre- 
sent in their own lives the thing for which 
they are fighting. 

A fine Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion secretary in one of the camps was one 
day talking to a group of seriously inter- 
ested soldiers. "It would be a sad thing," 
he said, "if a soldier who helped to make 
the world safe for democracy should come 
out of the war a moral wreck himself." 

This is the high and splendid thing we 
ask of the boys who wear the khaki, that 
they be themselves a worthy expression of 
the cause for which they are fighting. 

The life in the great camps and can- 
tonments has already made clear a number 
of things. The men are getting to be in 
superb physical condition. Their training 
is making their bodies fitter instruments 
for effective living than they have ever 
been before. The discipline is giving them 
instincts for order and obedience and tell- 
ing effort, which promise well for the days 
of tbe war and for the days of peace which 
will follow. Untold multitudes of Sammies 
are learning a definition of unselfishness 
which is transforming their lives. They 
are thinking of their comrades in arms 
and less and less of themselves. They have 
learned to smile when they do not feel like 
smiling, and to jest when they do not feel 
like jesting. They have developed a ca- 
pacity for hearty and loyal comradeship 
which is giving their lives a new fine rich- 
ness. They are having the sources of cour- 
age deep in their lives fed in such fashion 
that they are being prepared to meet the 
hard demand of the sternest day. We will 
not have reason to blush for our boys when 
they go "over the top." 

The Soldier's Problems 

But the soldier's life is bringing problems 
as well as solutions. It is bringing temp- 
tations as well as helpful influences to these 
young fighting men. It is not saying too 



much to declare that the methods being 
used to encourage and develop cleanness 
of life among the soldiers are superior to 
those ever applied to any other army. The 
Young Men's Christian Association huts 
ministering to every conceivable need and 
standing a perpetual witness to the mean- 
ing of a clean and self-controlled Christian 
life, are among the great resources of the 
nation in this war. The red-blooded, clean- 
mouthed and clean-lived secretaries with 
their fine and understanding comradeship, 
will render in the armies a service for which 
the whole country will owe them a debt. 
But the problem remains. Allies help us 
to win the fight. But they do not prevent 
the fight. And the boy. in the army must 
fight and win in a big personal fight if he 
is to be in his own character a worthy 
representative of the cause for which he is 
fighting. 

Often a man who is fighting to keep his 
lips and life clean will not realize how 
many other men are fighting the same fight. 
You do not hear the silence of the man 
who is not profane. You do not hear the 
silence of the men who refuse to tell foul 
stories. And the estimate of the boy in 
the fight may be like that of the old prophet 
who was utterly astonished to find how 
many men had not bowed the knee to Baal. 
We would not underestimate the difficulty 
of the fight, but we have reason to rejoice 
in the number of men clean of lip and 
clean of life who are going into this war 
and who will come out of it with unsullied 
character as well as with a record of un- 
daunted courage. Our fighting men are 
real men with men's problems and men's 
struggles. They have been trained in a 
country which has given them standards 
which the most careless of them cannot en- 
tirely ignore. And multitudes of them are 
already proving that the white flower of a 
blameless life as well as the red flower of 
courage can bloom in an army camp. All 
the moral and spiritual resources of the 
nation must be brought to bear upon the 
endeavor to help the men to be as strong in 
character as they are in courage, as fine in 
self-control as they are in comradeship. 



44 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



So shall they be worthy representatives of 
the cause for which they fight. 

Supporting the Administration 

Our political leaders have a significant 
place in the waging of the war. We have 
reason for gratitude constant and profound 
for the high note which has been struck 
again and again by the President of the 
United States in his official utterances re- 
garding the great conflict. They represent 
more than an ideal. They represent a pro- 
gram. And the men intrusted with polit- 
ical leadership must stand by the President 
as he carries out that program. The 
American people must see to it that their 
representatives stand solidly by the Presi- 
dent as he works for a democratic peace 
by means of a democratic war. For the 
war and its conclusion make a unity. The 
peace terms must justify the war, if the 
war receives full and final justification at 
the bar of history. President Wilson has 
taken his stand firmly upon ground which 
involves a peace which will make the world 
a better world for common men and wo- 
men everywhere, a peace without exploita- 
tion and a peace which protects the rights 
of little nations and defenseless men and 
women in all the world. We must keep 
the full support of public conviction back 
of the President in this position. 

We are not forgetting and we do not 
dare to forget that we are not seeking a 
world of crushed Germans, but a world 
where the thing for which the Germans are 
fighting, has been crushed. 

Our Real Purpose 

Americans may find it hard to live up to 
the standard of the first part of these lines 
of Vachel Lindsay. But their significance 
for us is real for all that. 



"I cannot hate the Kaiser (I hope you 

understand), 
Yet I chase the thing he stands for, with a 

brick bat in my hand." 

We are going to fight the Kaiser until he 
is shorn of power to hurt the world. 

The moment he ceases to be dangerous 
we will lose interest in fighting him. That 
moment will be the moment of his entire 
defeat. Premature peace would rob us of 
the goal. We must not risk that. But we 
will come to the goal with hate banished 
from our hearts. 

More than that there is no good which 
we ask for ourselves which we would not 
see the possession of every nation in the 
w T orld. And that includes Germany. We 
are fighting for a regenerated Germany as 
well as for a delivered world. Keeping this 
in our minds and in our hearts we will be 
able to make the fight worthy of the goal. 

FOR SPECIAL STUDY 

1. What do you think of the argument 
that it does not matter how we fight pro- 
vided we are fighting for the right? 

2. Is it ever better to be defeated than to 
win ? 

3. How would you distinguish between 
efficiency and f rightfulness ? 

4. What should a citizen do when he 
thinks that his nation is not following the 
right course? 

5. How would you distinguish between 
treason and honest criticism? 

6. State briefly what you consider to be 
the moral duties of men in positions of 
national responsibility. 

7. Mention some of the special problems 
that the soldier must face. 

8. Just what is the purpose for which we 
are fighting? 



CHAPTER XII 
THE INVISIBLE KING 



Leaving God Out 

A man of somewhat doubtful mind list- 
ened with a good deal of impatience while 



an eloquent preacher was speaking about 
the war. The address was an inspiring in- 
terpretation of God's relation to the great 



MARSHALIXG THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



45 



conflict. At its close the impatient man 
sought out the preacher and addressed him 
rather gruffly. "I suppose you must talk 
about the war," he said, "but don't you 
think you ought to leave God out of it?" 
The preacher looked at him steadily for a 
moment. Then he said, "When you leave 
God out of anything, you are no longer a 
Christian." 

It is a matter of supreme concern to men 
and women of genuine religious life, to 
know all that can be known about God's 
relation to human struggles and especially 
about his relation to the world-wide con- 
flict which is now raging. Indeed the mind 
and heart and conscience of the whole 
world are reaching out through the clouds 
and darkness and storm to And the Master 
of life. A new hunger for knowledge of 
God has gone out over the whole earth. 

Making Religion Serve Evil 

At the very beginning we are confronted 
by the history of the fashion in which men 
have taken liberties with the idea of God. 
In many an age and in many a religion 
men have created God in their own image. 
They have made him the supreme expres- 
sion of their own desires. Men have seen 
the practical power of the religious sanc- 
tion and they have placed it under their 
own selfish purposes. It seems clear that 
in Germany a God has been invented to do 
the will of the Kaiser. 

This sort of thing is the subversion of 
true religion. It is the overthrow of sound 
ethics. It is the prostitution of the noblest 
and loftiest things in the world. When 
religion becomes a means to unworthy and 
selfish ends instead of a high and master- 
ing force to uplift the world, it has come 
upon evil and debased days. Godliness has 
been debauched. 

And this capitalizing of the influence of 
religion for evil ends produces an inevitable 
reaction. The world looks on astonished 
and repulsed and its ethical wrath grows. 
When religion becomes the shadow of self- 
ish and lawless purposes, some men will 
turn from religion in angry scorn. And 
those who remain loyal are likely to de- 



velop a new modesty in their claims upon 
the Deity. They do not want to be accused 
of adding a new tribal God to the false 
divinities of the world. 

America has had a good deal of this 
sort of modesty in the last year or so. And 
on the whole it does the nation credit. But 
we need to think carefully and not to lose 
our way. Because some men forge checks it 
does not follow that there are no good 
checks. Because some men draw upon the 
bank of Heaven who have never made a 
deposit there it does not follow that there 
is no bank and that no human being has 
celestial securities. Because men have 
claimed God's approval for bad causes, it 
does not follow that He has no interest in 
good causes. The fact of the matter is that 
you only counterfeit that which has value. 
The counterfeit God is not an argument 
against the true God. He is rather an in- 
direct evidence for the meaning of the true 
God for the world. 

One does not forget the cynical saying of 
a brilliant English scholar, "If Heaven lies 
about us in our infancy, we lie about 
Heaven all the rest of our lives." Such ob- 
servations should warn us against presump- 
tion. They should chasten our thinking 
and make it direct and candid and unflinch- 
ingly true. But they should not prevent us 
from asserting that a moral God must be 
interested in moral issues. A God with a 
character must be interested in ' the char- 
acter of the world. 

A God of Righteousness 

The experiences and thinking of cen- 
turies have crystallized in a brief and cogent 
fashion of describing God. We call him a 
God of righteous love. And these two 
words bind together the loftiest thought and 
the deepest experience of the race. They 
gather up the response of men to God's 
downright compelling expression of himself 
in human life. To use a happy and far- 
reaching phrase which itself has come out 
of deep and real experience, "The only kind 
of God we can believe in is a Christlike 
God." That means a God who is righteous- 



46 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



ness alive. That means a God who is love 
enthroned. 

Now what is the attitude of that flam- 
ingly righteous God we worship toward the 
contemporary conflict? What is God's 
thought of a nation which uses force not 
as the expression of an ethical ideal, but as 
the substitute for an ethical ideal? What 
is the thought of God concerning a military 
program which is worked out upon the 
basis of a type of efficiency which repudi- 
ates all thought of moral sanctions? What 
is God's attitude toward a military auto- 
cracy which has laid a long and deadly plot 
to crush the whole world under its heel? 
What does God think of a government to 
whom a treaty is a mere scrap of paper? 
What does God think of the unspeakable 
atrocities in Belgium? What does God 
think of the sinking of the Lusitania? 
What does God think of the wild and cruel 
deeds which have made the sea a place of 
terror? What does God think of a deliber- 
ate program of breaking every law of God 
and man in a ruthless, brutal endeavor to 
trample upon the world? 

The Foe of Evil 

Such questions have an inevitable reply. 
Any God we could worship without doing 
violence to our own conscience must be 
against these things. He must hate them. 
He must turn from them with loathing. 
He must be with the forces which rise in 
terrible indignation to sweep them from 
the earth. The God who is revealed in the 
Bible must be the eternal foe of the type 
of life exhibited by the German govern- 
ment, in its fundamental spirit, in its ideal 
for the world and in its method of conduct- 
ing the war. 

This does not mean that God hates the 
German people. He loves them. He de- 
sires them to have a great and glorious 
future. Of that we may be sure. And the 
only way to secure a noble ethical future 
for Germany is by means of its present de- 
feat. 
The Allied Cause 

We are not claiming a spotless record for 
all or any of the Allies. We know that God 



is against every evil thing in the allied na- 
tions even as He is against every evil thing 
in the German life. None of us are God's 
favorites. We can be in God's favor only 
by doing His will. And His will is not our 
will writ large. His will is the rule of right- 
eous love in the world. Whenever any of 
us sin against that, God is against us. 
Measured by such a standard all nations 
have reason to repent and stand in peni- 
tence before the great white God. But in 
this crisis we can say without fear that 
the future of the world lies on the side of 
the Allies. In this crisis the record of the 
Allies represents the uprising of humanity 
against a mad, world-encompassing bar- 
barity. In this crisis the Allies have a 
genuine right to claim that they represent 
the righteous, loving God. It is definitely 
true that the United States, dragged into 
this war by a succession of malignant atroc- 
ities, with millions in lives and billions in 
treasure to lose, and no selfish purpose to 
further, no gain but a better world, no gain 
but the banishing of a fearful and fright- 
ful and dangerous barbarity from the earth, 
has ample reason to believe that it has en- 
tered the conflict as a representative of 
God's right and powerful will upon the 
earth. 

Why Does God Permit War? 

At this point a searching question 
emerges. It is a question which has 
brought torturing unrest to many minds. 
Why does God tolerate all this unspeakable 
tragedy and cruelty? How can a righteous, 
loving God allow the world to tear its heart 
out in this tragic war? Is He too weak 
to stop it? Are we mistaken in His char- 
acter? May it be that He does not care? 
Or is the wild confusion of forces mov- 
ing with abandon over the earth after all 
without a Master? Can faith itself survive 
the shock of these dreadful days? 

At once, in lifting these questions, we 
must remind ourselves that the problem is 
no new one. Rampant and reckless and 
cruel evil has laid waste the world age 
after age. It is quite remarkable and very 
significant that Christian believers of a 



MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 



47 



certain type have been able to read with 
unruffled peace and undisturbed faith the 
story of the vast succession of atrocities in 
other ages and they find their faith totter- 
ing when these things strike our own. It 
is important to remember that Christianity 
made and held its place in the world in the 
midst of just such wild scenes as now 
devastate the earth. The sturdy Christians 
of those days did not find these things too 
much for their faith. 

The Side of the Right 

Then we need to face the alternatives 
clearly. It is not a matter of a perfect 
solution as over against an imperfect solu- 
tion of the problem of evil. It is a matter 
of a certain solution or of no solution at 
all. ^Nobody disputes the dark and terrible 
things in the world. Whatever your theory 
they remain. It is a question of having 
darkness and nothing but darkness, or of 
having darkness with some real light shin- 
ing upon it. The alternatives may be put 
sharply. On the one hand is a view of life 
which sees only horror and chaos and an- 
archy everywhere. All is lawlessness. All 
is barbarity. There is no purpose. There 
is no hope. On the other hand there is a 
view of life which sees good struggling 
with evil, which sees light fighting with 
darkness, which believes that unselfishness 
is all the while fighting with selfishness, 
and that the great good God is in the fight 
to secure victory for goodness in the ulti- 
mate life. Between these two views which 
will we choose ? We do not say that the sec- 
ond explains everything. We do not say 
that the second resolves every mystery. 
We do say that between the two the second 
is the only one humanity can accept. And 
deep in the structure of human life itself 
is a voice of mighty authority which speaks 
for a purpose and a God and a victory of 
righteousness in the world. Life is not a 
tale told by an idiot and signifying nothing. 
It is a great strife, with God on the side of 
the right. 

Goodness on the Throne 

But assurance comes as we accept this 



view and live in the light of it. Perhaps 
at the beginning we only realize that a bad 
world with a God fighting for goodness is 
infinitely better than a bad world with no 
one fighting at all. But as time goes on and 
we struggle and battle for our faith in ulti- 
mate decency and goodness, there emerges 
from the very center of our life and the 
heart of our experience a conviction that 
the universe itself is built along the line> 
for which we are fighting, that in spite of 
all confusions and bewilderments goodness 
is on the throne. We come to have a sense 
of companionship with an Infinite ethical 
warrior who is the Almighty ruler of the 
world. That conviction goes deeper than 
all logical conclusions. It rises from a 
place beneath all dilemmas of reasoning. 
We do not have ready-made little formulas 
to answer all questions. But we do have 
an authentic and commanding conscious- 
ness of companionship with the Infinite, 
all-powerful battling God. 

Some very practical questions now lift 
themselves. What is the meaning of 
prayer in such a time as ours? For what 
may we pray? What power is there in 
prayer? What is the relation of prayer to 
the great war? 

We need to ask these questions very 
directly and honestly and humbly. For 
prayer is often misunderstood. It is often 
misused. And sometimes it is exploited 
by utter selfishness. Then at times it is 
repudiated by men who have failed to un- 
derstand its true nature. 

Prayer is not magic. It is not incanta- 
tion. It is not pronouncing an infallible 
formula which insures results whether they 
are good for us or not. Prayer is com- 
panionship with God through the seeking 
to know and to do His will. It is the out- 
reach of the human spirit after knowledge 
of God, and the placing of the human life 
upon the altar of God's will. It is a shar- 
ing of our experiences with God in wonder- 
ful companionship, that God's purpose and 
God's passion may move through our lives 
and possess and master them. Its heart is 
not telling God what we want. Its heart is 
finding out what God wants. 



48 



MAESHALIXG THE FOECES OF PATRIOTISM 



Prayer That Is Really Christian 

A prayer which ignores the will of God is 
never a true Christian prayer. A prayer 
which has entered into the will of God has 
become part of the deepest meaning of life. 
Every man who through poignant struggle 
enters into oneness with God's passionate 
purpose for the world, is hastening the day 
when God's will will be done in all the 
earth. This vicarious spiritual struggle in 
God's presence is part of the moral capital 
of the world. 

Prayer about the war is the outreach of 
a man's life which in powerful desperate 
struggle seeks to enter into God's own pur- 
pose. It implores the divine aid for the 
understanding of God's own faithful will. 
It reaches out in longing for a righteous 
peace. It cries with strong passion for 
the coming of the new day. It is a sharing 
of God's own passion for a world renewed. 
It reaches the quiet at the heart of the 
storm. It reaches the faith at the heart of 
doubt. It rests at last ready for strong 
flight upon the strength of God. 

Prayer for our friends in the war is a 
noble placing of them and of ourselves 
upon the altar of God's purpose. We do 
not try to dictate to God about them or 
about ourselves. We tell Him how we love 
them. We tell Him how we need them. 
And we trust them to the strong love upon 
which we depend. That love holds Heaven 
in its hand. That love holds the earth 
after the war in its hand. We trust our- 
selves and our friends to that love. We 
know that any port for those who have ac- 
cepted the will of God is a port of love. 
And so we pray more for the character of 
our friends than for the definite outcome 
of their lives. We are more anxious about 
what they are than where they are. Long 
life would be a tragedy without God in 
the heart. Heaven will mean a great ful- 
fillment if God is lord of the spirit. We 
want these boys back, oh, how we want 
them back! But we want most of all that 



they shall give loyal allegiance to the will 
of God. 

The God of Love 

And so we .lean hard upon the God of 
strength and love. We cannot decide the 
outcome for our friends. But we can lean 
hard. 

And in this deep vicarious prayer, there 
comes to us a new life with God, a new 
peace mightier than all the turmoil of the 
world. 

In thinking we come to know something 
about God. In feeling we touch tender and 
beautiful apprehensions of God. In action 
Ave come to know God. The great crisis 
is a time for action in God's name. 

If we will do the will of God we shall 
know. The doubting are they who think 
without deciding. The hesitating are they 
who feel without doing. In the hour of in- 
tense activity in doing God's will we meet 
Him in unmistakable fashion. Thus meet- 
ing Him multitudes in the midst of this 
war are renewing their faith and finding a 
rock of certainty which doubt cannot touch. 
He seems a far-off invisible King at first. 
In the companionship of action he becomes 
the supreme reality of our lives. And the 
hour of the faithful doing of His will is 
the hour when we become certain that He 
is the King of kings and Lord of lords — the 
ultimate and absolute Master of the World. 

FOE SPECIAL STUDY 

1. What reasons have you for holding 
that God is always on the side of right? 

2. Is it possible for a person to be mis- 
taken about God's attitude to a particular 
cause ? 

3. What justification have we for think- 
ing that our cause is righteous? 

4. What evidences have you that God is 
working out His purposes and that the right 
is coming to rule the world ? 

5. Of what value is prayer in war time? 

6. What place would love have in a world 
of permanent peace? 



BATTLE HYMN OF THE REPUBLIC 



Julia Ward Howe 




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He 

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Let 

o 

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hath loosed the fate - ful H~ht. -ning of 

have read His righteous sen - tence by 

the He - ro born of wo - man crush 

be swift, my soul, to an - swer Him, 

he died to make men ho - ly, let 



,His ter - ri - ble swift sword; 

the dim and flar - ing lamps; 

the ser - pent with His heel, 

— be ju - bi - lant, my feet, 

us die to make men free, 

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THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



020 914 150 4 



Francis Scott Key. 
Maestoso. 

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Samuel Arnold. 






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1. Oh! say, can you see, by the dawn's ear - ly light, What so proud - ly we hailed at tho 

2. On the shore, dim - ly seen thro' the mists of the deep, Where the foes haughty host in dread 

3. Oh! thus be it e'er when free-men shall stand Be - tween their lov'd homes and 

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twi-light's last gleaming? Whose broad stripes and stars thro' the per - il - ous fight, O'er the 
si - lence re - poa - es, What is that which the breeze, o'er the tow - er - ing steep As it 
war's des-o - la - tion; Blest with vie- fry and peace, may the heav'n res-cued land Praise the 



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ram -parts we watch'd were so gal- lant -ly stream-ing? And the rock- et's red glare, thebombs 

lit - ful - ly blows, half con-ceals, half dis - clos - es? Now it catch- os the gleam of the 

pow'r that hath made and pre-served us a na - tion. Then con - quer we must, when our 




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burst-ing in air, Gave proof thro' the night that our flag was still there; 1 

mornings first beam, In full glo - ry re - fleeted, nowshines on the stream • - Tis the star-span-gled 
cause it is just, And this be our mot - to, "In God is our trust." ) 



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ban-ner, Oh! long may it 



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wave O'er the land 



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of the free and the home of the brave! 






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